Marka ay  rabshado ama isku dhac ay ku yimaadaan bulshooyinka ku dhaqan caalamka waxa inta badan sababa in ay bulshadaasi isku maan dhaafsan tahay arimo siyaasadeed oo la xidhiidha khayraadka dabiiciga ah ee deegaanka ay dadkaasi ku dhaqan yihiin Ilaahay ku manayesyetey sidii looga wada faa’iideysan lahaa, waxaa kale oo dhibka ama isku dhaca keeni kara kaalinta uu qof kastaa kaga jiri karo bulshadaas  oo u muuqan kartaa mid uu damacsan yahay in loo arko horseedka bulshadaas ama la aqoonsado wixii uu tarey bulshadaas, waxaa kale oo keeni kara in isku dhac ay keenaan dad anaaniyiin ah oo raba in waxa laga sheego ama magacood meel in uu gaadho kaliya raba oo aan lahayn ujeedo fog oo ay is leeyihiin dad wax tara ama xuquuq soo dhiciya.

Mucaaradka aan hubeysneyn waxaa ku caan baxey oo arintaas meel fiican ka gaadhey hogaamiyihii gaadhsiiyey dalweynaha Hindiya xoriyada uu manta haysto kaasi oo bilowgii qarnigiii tagey bilaabey olole ka dhan ah boqortooyadii guunka ahayd ee Britian ninkaasi waxa uu ahaa Mudane Mahatma Gandhi waxa uu can ku ahaa in uu kala hor yimaado gumeystihii Ingiriiska ee dhulkiisa xukumaayey kacdoon aan hubeysneyn kaasi oo uu aabaabuli jirey banaanaxyo, shaqo joojin, alaabta ay dadka u dhashey Ingriiska ee degan Hindiya soo saaraan oo aan la iibsan iyo arimo la mid ah, waxaana  maanta loo yaqaanaa kacdoonka noocaas ah kacdoon aan hubeysneyn ( nonviolence protest ) waana tii ka dhacdey wadamada Carabta bilowgii sanadkii 2011kii inkasta oo ay meelo badan kacdoonkaasi dhicisoobey oo ay isku badashey kacdoon hubeysan oo lagu hoobtey sida Suuriya, Liibiya iyo Yeman.

Kacdoonka hubeysan inkasta oo uu yahay mid dhici jirey oo ay taariikhyanahdu ku kala aragti duwan yihiin xiliga uu bilowdey badankooduna ay sheegayaan in kacdoon hubeysan ay ugu horeysey Jabhadii Cabaasiyiinta ee qarnigii 8aad ee milaadiga ku kacdey dawladii Ummawiyiinta  waa marka laga hadlayo jabhad iyo dawlad ee marka dawlada dawlad ku duushey waa qadiimi waana arin waligeedba dhici jirtey, markaa duulaan ama kacdoon hubeysani ma ah mid la wada saadaalin karo in lagu guuleysan karo cidhibtiisuna ma ah mid damaand qaad loo heli karo waxaana dhici karta mar uu bur bur iyo dhiig fara badan daato in la yidhaahdo sidan dan inooma aha ee waa in xal kale la raadiyo taasina waa ta inta badan ka dhacda meelaha ay loolanka hubeysani ka dhacaan marka aad fiiriso waxaa yimaada in goor danbe oo xeedho iyo fandhaal kala dheceen sida ay yidhaahdaan in la yidhaahdo garbaha is haya miis wada hadal ha  isugu yimaadaan  dhibkii iyo mashaakilkii dhaceyna ha laga wada hadlo.

Hadaba kacdoonka hubeysani ma ah mid lagu deg dego waxaana wacan ama toosan in hadii tabasho iyo dhibaato jiraan marka hore la iska waydiiyo wixii la sameyn lahaa hadii la rabo in ta xun lagu dhaqaaqana wixii laga tagi waayo la sameeyo.

Waxaa dhici karta in siyaabo kala duwan dadku u cabiraan dareenkooda marka  ay arintan oo kale soo food saarto waxaase inta badan dadku aaminsan yihiin in xoog aan cidna lagu muuqin karin oo qofkii ama cidii cadaadis xoogan la kulanta waxa ay taariikhdu dhigeysaa in ay cidaasi mar danbe sameysato ama yeelato iska caabin aakhirkan hadii ay dulqaad badan iyo aragti fog yeeshaan waxa ay ka guuleystaan cadowgooda.

Xasan Ciise

waxaa warbaahinta Afsoomaaliga ku soo badanaya Hadalada Ganafta leh ee lagu leeyahay dadka ku dhaqanka Gobolada Galbeedka Somaliland gaar ahaan Gobolada Awdal,Salal iyo Gabiley sidaasi darteed waxaan jecelahay in aan wax yar ka yidhaahdo hadalada naxliga leh ee ka soo jeedhaya siyaasiyiiinta iyo qaar ka mid ah wariyayaasha Beesha dhexe oo bilihii ugu dambeeyey caadeystay in ay si baadhaadh ah warbaahinta uga weeraraan Beelaha degan deegaanada Awdal.

Sida aan ka war qabno taariikhda beelaha soomaalida waxaa iska caado ah in beelaha dariswadaaga ah ama oodwadaagta ah ay ka dhaxeyso tartan iyo xafiiltan dhinacayada Horumarka bilaa’aadanka ah sida siyaasada ,dhaqaalaha iyo wixii la mid ah ,sidaas darteed waxaan shakhi ku jirin in beelaha isaaq iyo gadabuusi ay ka dhaxeyso tartan dhinacyadaasi aan kor ku soo xusnay ah taasi oo sobabtay in ay beelahaasi marnaba ku midoobin dhinac siyaasada laga soo bilaabo 1959 ilaa 1991 .

Bilowgii Tartanka Beelaha Gadabursi iyo Isaaqo ee Dhinac siyaasada

1959 markii dowlada ingiriisku go’aansatay in ay xoriyada siiso Gobolada Waqooyi ee Soomaaliya ka dib cadaaadis iyo mudaharaad ka dhashay dhulkii reserve area ee lagu daray itoobiya ayaa dowlada ingiriisku waxay magacawday   wasiirada Hadhka (shadow ministers ) Kuwaasi oo kala ahaa

1. Cali garaad jaamac  Harti
2. Xaaji ibraahiim nuur  gadabursi
3. Ahmed kayse              isaaq
4.  Ahmed Yusuf   Isaaq

talaabadaasi waxay ka cadheysiisay siyaasi la odhan jiray Haybe oo ka soo jeeday Gobolka Saaxil kaasi oo sheegay in sobabta keentay in jufadiisa la siin waayo wasiir oo la siiyo beelaha gadabuursi maadaama wasiirkii beesha Habar awal la siiyey Axmed yuusuf ducaale oo sacad muuse ahaa .

Hadalka ka soo jeedhay siyaasi haybe waxaa aad uga cadhooday odayaashii iyo siyaasiyiinta beelaha galbeedka kuwaasi oo go’aansaday in ay xulafeysi la sameeyaan Gobolada Bari .

Laga soo bilaabo wakhtigaasi siyaasada beelaha isaaq iyo gadabursi waxay ahayd mid soo kala horjeeday oo marna aanay isku fikir noqon ilaa haatan.

Nin abwaan ah oo ka soo jeeda beelaha dhexe ayaa laga ayaa hadal ah “ gadabursi tirada ma buuxsho ,taamna ma noqon “

Ilaa dowladihii Soomaaliya beesha dhexe waxay  geed  dheer iyo mid gaabanba u fuushay sidii ay beelaha goboalda galbeedka uga  tirtiri lahayd saaxda bulshada soomaalidu isku timaado  .

Ka dib markii uu dhamaaday dagaalkii itoobiya iyo Soomaaliya Waxaa sida cadceeda uga soo ifbaxay Gobolada Waqooyi jabhadihii beelaha gadabuursi oo guulo waaweyn ka soo hooyey deegaanadii ay ka dagaal galeen taasina waxay sobabtay in Xukuumadii Maxamed siyaad ay garwaaqsato tirade iyo tayada Gobolada Galbeedka isla markaasina sobabtay Magacaabistii Goboka Awdal .

Aas Aaskii Maamulka Somaliland

Markii ay burburtay dowladii dhexe ee Soomaaliya waxaa lagama maarmaan noqotay in Beelaha dega Gobolada waqooyin oo kala afkaar duwanaa ay isku yimaadaan magaalada Burco halkaasi laga dhawaaqo dowladii ugu horaysay ee Somaliland yeelato

Xiligaasi waxaa hakad galay tartankii  iyo xafiitankii ka dhexeeyey labadaasi beelood ee oodwadaagta  waxaanay salaadiintii iyo culimadii reer Awdal si hakar la’aan ah uga qayb qaateen nabadeynta beelaha dhexe taasina waxay soo dadajisay shirkii Boorama ee lagu dhisay Maamul Dawladeed oo dhameystiran iyo haykal dowladeedkii ugu horeeyey waxaana madaxweyne loogu doortay maxamed ibraahim Cigaal AUN,  iyo cabdiraxmaan awcali faarax .

Saami qaybsiga dowladaasi waxaa uu ahaa mid dhinac ka raran wallow markaasi kalsooni lagu qabay in dib loo sixii doono marka wakhtigeeda la gaadho .Dhimashadii  Maxamed Xaaji ibraahim cigaal iyo madaxtinimadii daahir riyaale kaahin ayaa timiday waxaanau daahir halkii ka sii amba qaaday  nimaadkii isku haynta beelaha wada dega Gobolada Waqooyiga iyo horumarinta dhinaca siyaasada bisil ee Somaliland .

 Dib U Soo Cusboonaashihii  Tartanka

Dhismaha Soomaaliland waxaa uu fursad u noqday beelaha dhexe kuwaasi oo kaga faa’idaystay in ay arimo badan hormar ka sameeyaan waxaana ka mid ahaa

1. In ay beeshaasi dhaqaale yeelato
2. Abuuritaanka iyo dib u dhiska magaalooyinkoodiii
3. Dhul balaadhis dhinacyo badan leh
4. Gacan ku haynta dhaqaalaha Soomaaliland

Markii ay talaabooyinkaasi qaadeen beelaha Gobolada Galbeedku waxay qaadeen talaabooyin ay iyagu deegaanadooda hormar kaga sameynayaan iyaga oo aan cidna la kaashan ,waxaanay gabi ahaanba hilmaameen saamigihii ay ku lahaayeen xukuumada Somaliland waxyaabaha ay qabsadeen si ay bulshada Soomaaliyeed u soo jiitaan waxaa ka mid ahaa

1. Abuuritaankii Jaamacada Camuud oo noqotay jaamacadii ugu horaysay ee laga Aas Aas Somaliland wixii ka dambeeyey Burburkii dowladii dhexe taasi oo hormuud u noqotay in Soomaali badan waxbarasho u yimaadaan Boorama
2. Horumarinta adeegyada Biyaha iyo Caafimaadka taasi oo noqotay waxyaabaha lagu soo hirto ee magaalada Boorama ka hirgalay

Wallow beelaha galbeedku aanay sameysan magaalooyin badan hadana waxay ku dhabar adaygeen in ay Boorama oo ah caasimada Gobolka Awdal dhistaan isla markaasina ka dhigaan meel ay Soomaalidu ku soo hirato .

Hoos u dhicii Beelaha Gadabursi ee dhinac tartanka

Beelaha gadabursi waxay mar kaliya isaga hilmaameen in tartan soo jireen ah oo dhinacyo badan lihi ka dhexeeyo beesha dhexe waxaanay dhacday taariikhda markii ugu horaysay in marka ay beelaha gadabursi is qabantaan ay soo dhex galaan beelaha dhexe oo mansabyo siyaasadeed huwan kuwaasi oo aanay maskaxdooda ka maqneyn tartanka ka dhexeeya iyaga iyo beelaha galbeedkii waxaana laga xusi karaa

Khilaafkii  Beelaha gadabursi ee xiligii Ugaaska

Khilaafkii yaraa ee xiligii shirkii wadajir ee dhawr tobadabaad ka hor

Labadaasi khilaaf  waxay beelaha galbeedka ka dhigtay mid ay talada u dhiibaan beelaha dhexe is ay ugu kala garqaadaan taasi oo noqotay talo xumo  soo foodsaartay Tolka .

Salaadiiinta iyo madaxdhaqameedka beelaha galbeedka Waxaa ay awooda saareen tartanka dhexdooda ka dhaxeeya waxaanay hilmaameen oo ay dhayalsadeen tartankii ka dhexee beesha ay oodwadaagta yihiin .

Tabashadii Salaadiinta beelaha Gadabursi iyo Jawaabta Beelaha dhexe ee Togan

Salaadiinta iyo madaxdhaqameedka beelaha gadabursi ayaa afkaatoodii mideeyey wixii ka dambeeyey xiisadii Degmada Saylac taasi oo dhiig cusub galisay hogaankii dhaqanka ee beelahaasi isla markaasina ay iyaga oo dhan u soo gogol fadhiisteen madaxweyne siilaanyo ka dibna hordhigeen 25 bog oo ka kooban tabashada reer Awdal ee ku waajahan wada lahaanshaha Soomaliland  taasi oo siilaanyo iyo beesha dhexe ku noqotay laf dhuunta ka gashay .

Siilaanyo kama soo jawaaban tabashadii reer Awdal maxaa yeelay waxaa uu kalsooni buuxda ka haystaa tolkii  oo go’aankaasi isku raacsan waxaanay ka cabsi qabaan oo ay diidan yihiin in beelaha gobolada galbeedku saami  fiican ka helo Soomaliland sababahani awgeed

1. Siyaasadii soo jireenka ah iyo fikirka beesha dhexe maaha ay sinaadaan beelaha galbeedka .
2. Hadii Somaliland qaadato nidaamka federalismka ah beelaha galbeedku waxay helayaan saami fiican taasina waxay keenaysaa in beelaha gableedku gooni isaga taagaan beelaha dhexe maadaam ay kala beel yihiin
3. In dadyowga Soomaaliyeed aanay arkin saami reer Awdal ku leeyihiin Somaliland hadii kale waxay xoojinaysaa saamiga ay Soomaliya  ka helayaan

 Magacaabistii Wasiir Beyle  iyo Hadalkii Suldaan Wabar .

Beelaha gadabursi waxay markii ugu horaysay dib ugu soo noqdeen saaxada siyaasada ee Soomaaliya  ka dib markii uu R/Wasaarihii hore Ee Xukuumada Federalka Soomaliya Cabdiweli sheikh Axmed uu wasiirka arimaha dibada u magaacay Dr cabdiraxma ducaale oo ah aqoonyahan ka soo jeeda Gobolka Awdal taasi oo dhibaaxo weyn ku noqotay beelaha dhexe oo iyaga oo Somaliland isku koobay hadana caadeystay in ay kursigaasi BEELAHA DIR  qaataan iyagu .

Dr Cabdiraxmaan Bayle waxaa uu noqotay wasiirkii ugu waxqabadka badanaa ee Soo  Mara Soomaaliya  wixii ka dambeeyey Burburkii dowladii dhexe waxaanu suurto galiyey in Muqdisho lagu qabto shirka wasiirada arimaha dibada ee Urur Goboleedka IGAD  ,waxaanu furfuray siyaasadii arimaha dibada Ee Soomaaliya kaasi oo ka qayb galay shirar badan oo Soomaliya lagaga hadlayey , dadyowga Soomaaliyeed waxay aad u soo dhaweeyeen waxqabadkiisa .

Suldaan Abiibakar cilmi wabar oo ka mid ah salaadiinta Beelaha gobolada galbeedka ayaa isaguna ku dhawaaqay in beelaha reer Awdal ay gabi ahaanka kalsoonidii kala laabteen Somaliland ka dib markii ay ka waayeen sharafkii iyo maamuuskii ay ku lahaayeen .

Hadalka suldaan wabar waxaa sida fiinta uga qayliyey siyaasiyiinta iyo madaxdhaqameedka beelaha dhexe oo aan u garaabin tabashadii reer Awdal ee laakiin ka naxay hadalka ka soo yeedhay Suldaan wabar wallow marka tolka dhexdiisa loo yimaaado lagu kala afkaar duwanaa la tashi la’aan xaga tolka ah .

Hadalka suldaan wabar waxaa taageeray Unuga bulshada ugu badan oo ah dhalinyarada kuwaasi oo iskugu jira kuwa shaqo la’aani ku habsatay iyo kuwa kaleba oo aanay xataa salaadiinta fikirkaasi deedafeeyey aanay ku qancin Karin in ay yidhaahdaan waa khalad maadaam arinka uu suldaan wabar cuskaday yahay mid sida cadceeda u muuqda .

Labadaasi arimood waxay ka mid ahaayeen guulaha ay beelaha gadabursi ka gaadheen dhinaca siyaasada waxaanay dib ugu soo noqdeen masraxa siyaasada Soomaalida.

 Hadalada Xanafta leh ee Siyaasiyiinta iyo Suxufiyiinta Beelaha Dhexe

 Markii ay dhaceen waxyaabahaasi aan kor ku soo xusnay isla markaasina beelaha galbeedku  dib ugu soo noqdeen saaxda siyaasada waxaa bilaaban tahay dacaayada iyo  hadalada xanafta leh ee ka soo yeedhaya siyaasiyiinta beelaha dhexe kuwaasi oo doonaya in ay bulshada soomaaliyeed ku maran habaabiyaan tirada iyo tayada beelaha gadabursi oo waqooyi iska dhaafe soomaaliya aan qarsoomi Karin .

Waxaana ka mid ahaa siyaasiyiinta arimahaasi ku kacay , siyaasi siciid sulub  oo isaga oo laga wareysanayo telefishanka universal si taban u sheegay in iyaga majoorati yihiin isaga oo ka qiyaas qaadanaya  Soomaliland isla markaasina beelaha gadabursi ku sheegaya dad laga tiro badan yahay .  sidoo kale Cabdifataax nin la yidhaahdo  ,Dr Adna Aden  iyo ugu dambeyntii suxufi la yidhaahdo maxamed ilig oo ah agaasimaha Horncable tv ayaaa booqasho ku yimiday magaalada Boorama waxaanu ka diyaariyey warbixin documentariya kaasi oo uu ku sheegay in magaalada Boorama ay ku nool yihiin dad lagu qiyaasay 50 ilaa 70 kun  .

Isku oo wada duuboo hadaladaasi ka soo yeedhay siyaasiyiinta iyo suxufiyiinta beesha dhexe maaha mid xumaan uga soo yeedhay laakiin waxay fulinayaan nidaankii iyo siyaasadeed soo jireenka ahayd eee awowyaashood ay ka dhaxleen waxaanay intaas oo dhan u sameeyeen si ay bulshada Soomaaliyeed uga qariyaan tirada iyo tayada beelaha gadabursi oo aan soomaali dhexdeeda qabsoomaynin ,

Guntii iyo gabagabadii tartanka beelaha gadabursi  ee dhinaca siyaasadu waa mid wakhtigu saacidayo oo aan inta badan lahayn qorshe waxaana loo baahan yahay in qorshe loo sameeyo oo ay dadka bulshadaasi hormuudka u ahi ay fahmaan waayaha iyo wacyiga jira tolkana u ilaaliyaan kaalinta ay bulshada kaga jiraan maxaa yeelay waxaa socota wakhti ay beel walba oo soomaaliyeed ilaashaynayso kaalinta ay kaga jirto soomaalida  dhexdeeda

Waxaan talo u soo jeedin lahaa  dadka reer Awdal gaar ahaan siyaasiyiintooda iyo salaadiintooduba in ay fahmaan in marka laga yimaada Somaliland ay jirto tartanka soo jireen ah oo ka  dhaxeeya beelaha isaaq isla markaasina aan loogu soo dhuuman shaadhka dowladeed .

Qore :  Khaddar Maxamed Xasan Labaqaydle

Emailkaaga : khadarmh@gmail.com

The development and utilization of effective mechanisms for quality assurance and improvement are critical to successful higher education everywhere. Every nation and its university graduates are competing in an environment shaped by its own local and national needs as well as international expectations and standards. The impacts of the latter are increasing. As a result, the success and competitiveness of graduates in tertiary institutions will be affected by those standards and expectations. Educators, policy makers, and faculty members would be well advised to assess their own tertiary systems in that context and strive to set appropriate standards of their own which also draw on and reflect the unique history, needs, and expectations of the nation.

Quality means that goals are fit for purpose – meeting or conforming to generally accepted standards as defined by quality assurance bodies and appropriate academic and professional communities.

In this world where economic development is set by the human capital among others, a nation can be successful by how strong it assures the production of highly qualified professional from the different subsectors that are to be given more priority so that proper economic achievement are targeted as per the set goals.

My observation and discussions I had with people in Hargiesa has prompted me to write my reflection on the number of Universities I have observed there and the overcrowded cars that I was afraid of to hit me any time for I am not familiar with the plenty of cars in a very narrow roads without pedestrian crossings. I have asked myself and to some of my old friends in Hargiesa on how quality control serves when it comes to dealing with quality in education in Somaliland in general and in Hargiesa in particular.

Can Hargiesa host more than 13 universities and colleges and how quality control is in place? This is a question that I have forwarded to people I met at teashops and hotels during my stay in Hargiesa and most of the answers I received had their pillars on profit making but few spoke about quality and the fate of future productive human capital who will have the biggest impact on the future generations that are yet to come.

I was told that students decide on who will teach them a course as a precondition to register in the University so that the course and   the examination will be handled in the way they see appropriate in order to pave for them  earn better grades. I did not see that as a problem but what caught my attention was that if any instructor makes things hard and goes by the norms of being too strict in grading and marks, students will urgently request from the management to change the instructor that will eventually make the customer a King and quality will be compromised in this manner.

I had a discussion with  a colleague of mine who  was  visiting Hargiesa for the first time, on his thoughts about the number of universities we have observed  and how this can affect the quality of education compared to other areas he has visited. My colleague articulated that it is good to see education in high demand here in Hargiesa and that people are well aware of the importance of education but when it comes to quality, he said competition is very high these days and globalization has enabled people to have access to quality education  but those who have earned their degrees without proper quality in place will have the consequence when they compete for jobs and this will force them to get back to universities to build their capacity again.

With rapid urbanization and growth, motorization has accelerated in Hargiesa but a sustainable urban transport system requires strengthening various features of the system including mobility, accessibility, safety, security, convenience and comfort. In order to achieve all these elements, various challenges need to be addressed in an integrated manner. These challenges include improving human health through the reduction of urban air pollution, tackling climate change, reducing the number of deaths and injuries from road accidents, controlling excessive motorization, improving public transport services, encouraging more walking and cycling, and recognizing the specific needs of urban poor, women, the elderly, people with disabilities, youth, and children. It is critically important to understand that urban transport (or mobility) is not an isolated issue and is related to many other aspects of urban life in general.

I can understand that the Government in Hargiesa lacks the International recognition to get loans for road infrastructure development but what I have observed is also lack of proper rules and regulations that would have reduced the congestion and to my understanding there is also the need to look into the institutional capacity of the Universities before granting accreditation that will keep the quality up to the required standards.

Hussien Mohamed Yusuf

Email: hussienm4@gmail.com Jijiga, Ethiopia

Intii mudo ah ama ku dhawaad sadex bilood waxa aanay shaqo wacan ka socon xarunta dawlada Hoose ee Borama iyo guud ahaan iyada oo ay dayacan tay adeegyadii ay qaban jirtey, arintaas ayaa wax dhibka ugu wacan iyo khalkhalka ku jira maamulka dawlada Hoose si looga helo xog cad waxa ay shabakada wararka ee Awdadlpress.com isku daydey in ay macaamiisheeda soo hor dhigto xogo cad cad oo ah waxyaabaha ragaadiyey maamulka dawlada hoose.

Hadii aan waxyar dib ugu laabano doorashooyinkii golaha deegaanka ee dabayaaqadii 2012kii qabsoomey waxaa aad u soo shaac baxay Qabyaaladii oo aan biyo is marin Xisbiga Kulmiye ee talada dalka hayaana bahashii wuu gardaayey oo socod barey ilaa ay gaadhey meel aan waxba laga qaban garin, markaa xildhibaanadii aqlabayda ahaa waxa ay hal mar ka xuub siibteen ururadii iyo xisbayadii ay ku soo baxeen waxa ayna isku dhaarsadeen in ay nin beeshooda ah oo marka hore tartan baa la ogolaa laakin aakhirkii waxa ay ku biyo shubatey Saleebaan Xasan Xaddi iyo Maxamed Muxamed Dheereyste in aan meeshaas lagula tartamin waxaana ololaha qayb laxaadleh ka qaatey Saleebaan Saaxiibadii Idiris iyo Siyaad waanay ku guuleysteen.

Isla markiiba waxaa aqlabayadii ka dhax bilaabmey is eedeyn iyo  is xulufeysi kala duwan kaasi oo inta badan masaalix gaar ah salka ku hayey waxaanay rag badan durba bilaabeen in wadada uu gudoomiyuhu ku socdaa aanay ahayn midii la rabey, waxaana bilaabmey iyada oo aan xil wareejintoodii laga soo wareegin dhawr bilood is ashkateyn iyo kala shaki badan kaasi oo marar badan cuqaal iyo odayaal gaadhi jirey.

Waxaa maalinba maalinka ka danbeeya soo badanaayey mucaaradka gudoomiyaha golaha deegaanka ilaa uu aakhirkii ku soo hadheen shan xildhibaan oo qaarna markii danbe ka huleeleen, waxaana la odhan karaa hadii aanay wasaarada arimaha gudaha oo marar badan xildhibaanada ka codsatey in ay xil ka xayuubinta ay dib u dhgaan inaanay mar hore arintaasi dhicilahayd, waxaa kale oo cimrigiisa sii dheereeyey gudoomiyihii hore ee Gobolka Awdal Cabdoo Axmed oo ahaa nin aan go’aan adagna lahayn inta badan caasimada gobolkaba aan joogin lana odhan karaayey gobolku waxa uu ahaa mid bilaa gudoomiye ah mudadaas.

Marar badan gudoomiye Saleebaan waxa uu ahaa nin ka firfircoon oo yaqaana meelaha looga soo dhici karo si kasta oo ay mucaaradkiisu u bataan waxa uu ku guuleystey  in uu meer meeriyo oo marba meel ka tuuro ilaa ay gaadhey wasiiro aan shaqaba ku lahayn hawlaha dawlada hoose in ay ka hadlaan una hanjabaan xildhibaanada taasina aakhirkii waxa ay keentey markii uu Cabdoo Axmed ka tagey xilkiisii ama laga qaatey in meel weyni ku banaanato oo uu awdi kari waayo.

Waxaana culeyskii dhibka iyo rafaadka ka jirey dawlada Hoose ee Boorama galey Xarunta madaxtooyada gaar ahaana waxa y arintaasi dhacdey markii ay is khilaafeen xoghayaha dawlada Hoose Xasan Yuusuf Riiraash iyo Gudoomiyaha golaha deegaanka Saleebaan Xasan xaddi oo markii uu joojiyey xogahayaha saxiixiisa isagana la joojiyey kiisii taasiana ay ka dhigtey dawladii hoose mid jilbaha dhulka ku dhufata  oo is dhiibta noqotana qolal iyo xafiisyo haawana oo kaliya oo aanay ka socon wax shaqo ah.

Waxaa ilo xogta u dhaw sheegeen in golaha wasiirada laftoodu arintan ku kala qaybsameen oo wasiirka arimaha Gudaha, kan Boosatada iyo Isgaadhsiinta iyo kuwo kale la safteen in mudane Saleeban uu yahay kursigiisaas lama taabtaan,halka wasiirka Duulist, madaxweyne ku xigeenka iyo rag kalena lahaayeen waa in sadex ninba shaqdooda laga qaado xoghaya dawlada Hoose gudoomiyaha golaha deegaanka iyo gudoomiyaha gobolka Awdal intaba waxaana hada muuqatada koxdan danbe in ay fac fa croon yihiin.

Waxaa la soo magacaabey ama lala xidhiidhey si loogu magacaabo xoghayaha dawlada Hoose mudane Muumin Xuseen oo ah nin aqoon yahan ah hay’adaha caalamiga ahana in badan la shaqeeyey oo hadanan lafteeda DRC hay’ada la yidhaahdo ka shaqeeya waxase wararka ugu danbeeyey sheegayaan in u ka cudur daartey oo aanu qabanayn jagadaas, waxaa iyaduna dhab ah in gudoomiyihii gobolka Awdal la badaley laguna badaley gudoomiye cusub oo la yidhaahdo Maxamuud Cali saleebaan (Ramaax) kaasi oo aan wali si fiican salka ula helin kursiga gobolka ee uu ku magacaaban yahay.

Wararka laga soo dhiteeyey ilo looga qaateen ah wax ay sheegayaan in todobaadka danbe ay golaha deegaanku kulmi doonaan isla markaana ay xil ka qaadis ku sameyn doonaan Saleebaan Xasan Xaddi iyo ku xigeenkiisa ka dibna cod aqlabiyad ah waxaa lagu dooran doono Maxamed Maydhane oo deegaanka Qulujeed ka soo Jeeda kaasi oo hada ah musharaxa ugu cad cad waana laga yaaba in ay isbadal ku dhici doono, halka uu jagada ku xigeenkana ay isku hayaan Xildhibaan Xayte iyo Indha qarshe kuwaas oo deegaanka Dilla ka Soo jeeda, laakiin shaxdaasi waa is badali kartaa mar walba marka laga eego sida ay mararka qaar wax u dhacayaan.

Dawlada Hoose ee Boorama waxa ay mareysaa marxalad u baahan in la saxo oo ninka xilka golaha hayaa mar kasta waa in u iska ilaaliyaa in uu ku dhax milmo siyaasada dawlada dhexe waana in ay ku koobnaato adeega ay u qabato shacabka ku dhaqan degmada  oo kaliya wixii intaas dheerna ay faraha kala baxaan.

Dhibaatooyinka ay maamulkani ka tagi doonaan waxaa ka mid ah in maanta meel badan oo magaalada Boorama ah aan la kala gareyn ma wadaa ma jagaa mise waa meel dan guud ah wallow aanay jirinba meel dan guud loogu talo galay oo ay leedahay dawlada Hoose garan maayo in ay ala qabaan dawladaha Hoose ee deegaanada kale laakiin dhib kaasi wa mid ka jira Boorama.

“Dadka guusha gaadhaa waxay ka fikiraan waxay doonayaan iyo siday u heli lahaayeen. Halka dadka guuldaystaa aanay uga hadal waxa ay doonayaan ee ay uga hadlaan dhibta haysata ugana werweraan iyaga oo cid ku eedaynaya.”

Kacdoonka  intii muddo ahba ka socda gobollada galbeedka ama  degaanadda Gobolka Awdal. Ayaa dad badani is weydiinayaan waxa  jira  ee laga kacay,  Halka laga hagayo, sida ay wax u jiraan? Cidda wax ka  qaban karta, sideyse wax uga qaban karaan?

Waxaynu ognahay waxyaabo fara badan oo dadka ka soo jeeda  goboladda galkeedku tirsanayaan gudo iyo dibadba,  kuwaasi oo  ay hore uga hadleen in badan, iyaga oo ku soona bandhigay qoraal. Dad badan oo hadda xukuumadda ku jiraana in badan ka soo hadlayeen oo ay markaa arkayeen xaqiiqda jirta hadase aanay ka hadal, waxa kaloo Xukuumadda u gudbiyay salaadiinta reer awdal oo dhamaystiran iyada oo qoraal ah

Xaaladuhu halka ay marayaanna waa meel Ilaahay uuni og yahay, waana jaha wareer iyo odayadii oo talo raadin uun ku maqan. Waxan  xasuustaa mar uu Suldaan Saleebaan la hadlayey oday dhaqameedyada Awdal oo Suldaan Wabar ay qaar ku qacan saareen, uu yidhi, ‘  Waxa jira  innagaa abuurnay ee Suldaan Wabar ma abuurin oo waynagii ku dhawaaqnay hadii aan arintaa wax laga qaban waan baxaynaa.

Shaqsiyaad badan baa  ama waxka  ka qoray ama ka hadlay. Anigu shaqsi ahaan maalintii ugu horaysay ee xukuumadda Axmed siilaanyo soo magacawday goleheeddii wasiirdaa 2010kii ayaa waxan ka qoray maqaal aan ugu magac daray “Cabdoo Khalad Al-xisaab”,  waxanan kaga hadlay in xukuumaddu aanay tix galin goboladii cidhifyada ee ay ku koobtay uun beesha dhexe waxwalba, arintaasina keeni doonto in gobolada cidhifyadu kacaan oo arintu waji kale yeelan doonto.

Arimahani waa saami qaybsiga oo saluug ka jiro iyo sadbursiimo iyo caddaalad darro cad  oo dadku ay arkayaan taas oo soo gaadhsiisay dadka qaar in ay yidhaahdaan waan ka go’nay Somaliland una baahan in wax laga qabto.

Waxa jirta in dad badan oo qurbo jog ahi arintan dibada ka wadaan oo ay ururiyaan dhaqaale badan, abaabul iyo kicinna ka wadaan dibadda, dad badan oo gudaha joogana xidhiidh la leeyihiin, dhalinyarta wadanka joogtaana badankoodu aad u taageersanyihiin.

Waxa iyaduna jirta oo muuqata in isbedel siyaasadeed oo ka jira dhulkii la isku odhan jiray Soomaaliwayn, oo ay dhisantay dawlad aad uga fiican xaga saamiqaybsiga tan Soomalilnad, oo ay ka dhex muuqdaan dhammaan beelihii Soomaaliyeed, taasina ay saamayn wayn ku yeelanayso dadka ku dhaqan Somaliland.

Hadaba Salaadiinta, Culimada, Aqoonyahanka ganacsatada iyo dadka ka hadlaya arimahani ee Gobolada galbeedku, ma ka dhabaa waxa ay ka hadlayaan oo waxay rabaan in ay arimahaa wax ka qabtaan mise waa iska hadal siyaasadeed oo ay uga jeedaan waan idhi oo waan hadlay.

Kadib markaan dhagaystay kulankii ay soo qabanqaabiyeen dhalinyaradu ee lagaga hadlayay nabadda, todobaadkan. waxan aad iyo aad ugu bogay kuna hambalyaynayaa Sheekh Cabdillaahi Sh Cali Jawhar Iyo Aqoonyahan Ismaaciil aadan meecaad, oo labaduba taabtay xaqiiqada dhabta ah ee jirta.

Horta waxan leehay Sh Cabdillaahi Sh cali Jawhar aniga oo kuu haya xushmad iyo qadarin dheeraad ah. Waad ku mahadsantahay sida daacadnimada ah ee aad uga hadashay ee aad u bayaamisay in aanay waxa hada la wadaa ku filayn in wax laga qabto arimaha taagan ee loo baahan yahay in si qoto dheer loo dhex galo arinta. Waxa kale oo aad bayaamisay in shirkii gob aan xataa aad loogaga hadal arintan.

Waxan leehay Isagana, Ismaaciil Aadan Meecaad oo ah aqoonyahan dhalinyar ah oo degan UK. Aadbaad ugu mahadsantahay sida aad uga warantay qurbo jooga iyo hawlaha ay wadaan.

Marka aad doonayso in aad arin wax ka qabato, marka hore waa in aad qirtaa in waxani jiraan, kadibna xalkeeda aad raadisaa. Xalka markaad raadinayso waa in aad isku keentaa afkaar iyo aragtiyo kala duwan, ka dibna aad isku keentaa oo ad ka qaadataa mida ugu haboon adiga oo ka eegaya dhan walba.

Hadaba xaqiiqda aan u soo noqdo, dadku maaha xoolo dhalinyarta iyo dadka lala hadlayaana wax way fahmayaan, nin dagaal jecelina ma jiro dadku waxay jecelyihiin in ay nabad ku wada noolaadaan oo horumar iyo in wax u kordhaan, qofwaliba wuu jecelyahay.  Laakiin hadii maalinba si loo hadlo oo maalinna dadkaa la kiciyo oo durbaan la garaaco maalinna la yidhaa wax ma jiraan, wax haggaagi maayaan.

Waxaynu filaynay in arimaha hadda laga hadlayo marka horeba lagu soo dhamays tiro shirkii gadabuursi ee a dhacay Gob. Wixii halkaa lagu dhamayn waayana gudiyo loo saaro, oo gudiyadaasi daba galaan arinta ama ha ahaato nabad galyada ama ha ahaato tabashada.

Waxanse hadda u arkaa in aan shirkaasi lagaga hadal wax arimahaasi khuseeya hadii laga hadlayna aan looga hadal si qoto dheer ee shirku uu u badnaa (formality) ama shirbaa qabsoomay uun la yidhaa waayo waxad ka garataa sida arimuhu u qaydhiin yihiin.Waxa ila yaab noqotay in dadkii kasoo baxay shirkii balaadhnaa ee gadabuuri maanta ku tiraabayaan ama tabayaan in loo baahanyahay shirar lagaga hadlo nabadda.

Waxa haboon in hadii laga tashanayo arinta gobolka, aanay ka qayb galin cid reer Awdal ah oo ka tirsan xukuumadda hada jirta. Waayo iyagu waxay ka mid yihiin xukuumaddii laga cabanayay, mar walbana waxay difaacanayaan shaqadooda oo xataa hadii ay arkaan dhaliisha waxay isku dayaan in ay waxka qabtaan, haday wax ka qaban kari waayaanna way dafirayaan si ay isku difaancaan.

Waa in aan lagu degdegin, waayo,hadhaw waxba ka soo bixi maayaan. Murti baa tidhi “hadii aad geed jarayso waa in aad qaadataa wakhti aad gudinta ku soofaysato, laakiin hadii aad tidhaa wakhtigaa igu yar oo ma soofaynayo gudinta, dee hadhaw wuxu wakhti badani kaaga lumi jarista geedka, ilayn ma haysatid gudin aflee”.

Waxan ku talin lahaa in arintana sideeda u wajaho oo la iska daayo siyaasadda laba wajiilaha ah ee marna la leeyahay waxbaa naga maqan marna la leeyaya waanu ku qanacsanahay nidaamka jira ee Soomaliland dhammaantiis. Waayo hadaad sallaam ku tiiriso gidaar qaldan, talaabo kasta oo aad qaado waxad kaga fogaanaysaa meeshii aad u socotay. Waxan leehay arintu yaanay noqon raali galin cid kale ee hanoqoto talo dhab ah oo hadhaw lagu qanco.Haddii hadda arintan sideedda loo wajihi waayo, nabadda la sheegayaa way burburi wixii lagu soo tabcayay ee ay ay shacabku qabsadeen waa laga tagi.

Xukuumadda  waxaan leehay hadii aad ku qanacsantahay sida aad u wajahaysaan arimaha, waa in aad ku qanacdaan dadka kale ee idinka soo horjeedaa sida ay iyaguna u wajahayaan xaallada jirta, hadii kale waa in uu yimaadaa isku tanaasul iyo xal dhexdhexaad ah.

Abdirahman A Amin ( Atom )

UK

Telefishka INTEGRATION ayaa barnaamij xiiso badan ka diyaariyey ardayda wax ka barata dalka turkiga kaasi oo wareysiyo la yeeshay qaar ka mid ah ardeydaasi .

HALKAN KA DAAWO :

Daawo: Siyaasiga Cali Cabdi Ciise oo ka mid ah siyaasiyiinta Dawlad deegaanka Soomaalida Ethoipia oo aan ka waraysanay Horumarka DDSI iyo Doorashada deegaankaasi ee Haweenka loo qorsheeyay 35% iyo Arimo kale oo xiiso badan…oo ku saabsan deegaankaasi Soomaalida Ethoipia.. iyo Nidaamka dib u curashada maamulka Suuban…Hashim…????

Tan iyo markii aanu Dooranay labad sarkaalee D/hoose waxaan Diyaarinay Xeerhoosaadka ay ku shaqayeeyaan afarta waaxoodee boorama, hase yeeshee ma ay shaqayninmudo yar kadib
Waxa bilaabmay qaylo ka soo yeedhaysa fulintiioo is haysatakadibnawaxahalkaa kun lumay
kaladembeyntiiiyokalaamarqaadashadiishaqadiinawaxa ay kuluntaydhexdooda.
HadabawaxaanrabaainaankahadloDeyn la sheegay in gashay d/hooseoolacagahaanlaguqiyaasay 200.000 Dollars iyadoodakhligayaguuukoradhaysanadkanlacagkabadan 150 00 dollar islamarkaanaaan la garanayanwaxalaguqabtolacagtakabkaeedawladadhexekatimaadamashaariicbadana ay u fadhiyaan 5% kaaanukukabnomashaariicdaooweliba la leeyahaymushaharkiishaqaalahamudoseddexbilood ah .waxbarashadanawaxanalahooskeenaysanadkan in aanbixinolacagtiiwaashmaanadadegmadaoodhanhaseyeeshee lama hayomeellamariyay .waxajirtamashaariicbadanoowakhtigiikadhacayiyokuwoqabyo ah oo la qaataylacagtoodii .
Markaanhadabaarkaydhibaatadaaintaaleegwaxaandowladasoomaalilandkacodsanayaa in ay sidegdeganoogusoodirtoodhadbaadhamusuqmaasuqaintaa lee goo nookalasheegaqarashkanimeeshauukubaxay.
Waxadhamaanjabayxeerarkiiiyoxeerhoosaadyadiikalajihaynlahaaxagasharcigawaxatoos loo maroorsadayawoodiigolahawaxa la caadaystay in aan la qaatodhulkiidantaguudahaawaxa kale oojirta in la samaystey network xidhanoo loo samaystaykuillaalintakursigamasuuliyiinta D/hooseoo ay kamidyihiin rag maafiyo ah oolasiiyolacagtadowladahoose
Si ay u ceebeeyaansharaftanaugaqaadaanunawareeriyaanxildhibaanada .
Lama ogaheshiisyadalalagaloshirkadaha ,hayadaha ,Ngo, yadaiyodhamaanhayadahacaalamiga ah iyokuwawadanihgaahbaxitaamalihincidlsxisaabtantashirkadabiyahaeeshaabakuwalaydhkaiyoisgaadhsiintabadhamaanawaxaytoosulaxidhiidhaanmaayarka .
Waxahawadakabaxdaysahaysafartaoo loo qoondeeyay 20 milyansanadkiisiinamaraysa 200 milyanhada . lama hayodhulkiidantaguudahaa ,waxa ay ceebtoodawadawataanbaabuurtiiuguqaalisanaydiyadoodegmadanalaguleeyahaydeyntaintaa lee goo aan la garanayandakhligii tirade badnaameeshaauumarayeelagubixiyaywxahore loo yidhiindhoole ma laqanyoodowaayomabaarkayowaxauucunayoanawaxaankudarayaaindhoole ma laqanyoodokumanamagqadowaxauucunayosidaasayaynoqotay D/hooseeeboorama .
Hadabalacagtaintaaleegeekamqan d/hoosewaxamaalindhawaydlagaggooyaykorontadiioolayidhilacagbaanidinkuleenayahayshidaalkiikaalindhanbaaillaahadaaanwaxba la siinwaxalagagashaqeeyaaqarashkaintaaleegiyoinkabadanoobaxdabilwalbamajarohabaabintabulshadasumcaddililidamasuuliyiintakasoojeedagobolkaawdaliskahorkeeenkabulshadaiyomunaafada la kaladhexdhigaydadkanwalaalaha ah eekunoolmagaaladaboorama, kufoodhintamaamulkagobolkaiyocayda loo marinayoxildhibaanadasaxaafadaiyobulshadadhexdeeda .
Sidaa darted waxaanDowladasarekacodsanayanaa in ay noocadaysolacagtalabadasano la isticmaayayeeaannalatusinxisaabxidhadiiaanxaqa u lahayn ,waayowaxaanqabnaa in lacagtaan loo isticmaalijiray Network dhinacyobadanlehooqasbanageliyayhorumarkiiaanbulshada la doonaynay in gaadhana ay heshay dib u dhaciyojahawareerbaahsanoosoowajahaydhinacwalba .
Magaalooyinkii kale ayaankahoosmarnayxagadakhligaOodweyneiyoSheekhayaabooramakadakhlibadancaqligamiyaygashaa .
Heerka manta aymarayaanmagaalooyinkii ay la midkaahaydinayyeeshaanqalabkawadooyinkaoodhamaystirananigumagaaladaydumalahaqalabiskadaayebaabuuraandhagaxkurartodhul banana ooaan wax kadhisomashaariicdii la iigutalogalayayaandoonangaranwaayaywalaahiooqaarkamida la igaceliyaymarkii ay mudadiiiguduldhacday , qaarnamabaogi in ay jiraanqaarnawaxaankadhuuntaamarka la ii yeedhoeeqaado la I yidhaadhokuwii la siiyaynadhaxdaankadalaooliyoowaxaankubixiyayqabyaaladmarnawaxaankaqaataylacagbadanoolaaluush ah sidaxaqiiqdaahnawaxadhibtaanookeenaywaa maul xumoiyoshimbirowaaqlayn ay intabadankashaqeeyaanmaamula D/hooseoonoqotayshaqadakaliyaeelagaogyahay in ay qabtaanmaamulkuwxaanarintaasi ay keentayhoos u dhacadhaqaaleiyohorumarineedee manta kuhabsaday d/hooseoohadanadadkii la majarohabaabibinayooo la odhanyowaarcidkalaawadatooanaa la iguxumaynayaaooqaabqaawanooqabyaaladaysan loo dhigayoshaqadadyadiidhamaydanagulahayniyowaajibaadkayagiiaanuguhadlaynayunatilmaamaynayxaqiiqdusida ay tahay .
Waxakaloojira in networkii aysamaysteenoo ay gacantaugujirto 200,000 dollars ay doonayaaninaykashaqeeyaansidiiuu u siijirilahaamaamulkanaanrabnoinaanbedelooodagaalweynnagagasooqaadaydalkaiyodibadaba ha ugudarnaadojahawareerkanagahaysta
Lacagtakabka ah ooaan u malaynayoinuuyahaynetworkahargeysa eek u xajinayakursigaiyoganacsatooohaystalacagtiidawladahooseoodonayana in uusiijiroNetworkoodanaanrabno in aanbulshadakabedellowaxaalayidhibarbarininkiibeertaayaygubtaaanagaakeensooanagiibuudabnagushidayoonaceebeeyayoo ay sharaftaanlahaynhoos u dhigeenooceebtoodiiiyomunaafaqadoodiiayaankamarilaanahaysuuqyada .
Sidaa darted waxaandawladakarabnaagurmadxooglehwaayomayeelayno in lacagtiidawladahooselagaqaatay ay dagaalnalagasholagusiiadkaynayowaaritaankamaamulkiihoreeefashilmaydhinacwelba . waxaanankarabnaadawladayadasharaftalehinaygacannagusiisohelitaankaqarashkiilumaycidaiyonetworkauu u galaynaganasoogaadhotartankaqaawaneelagusiixaginayosystemkiihore , waxaanleenahaywaa in wax lagaqabtooocidsharcigakaweynimajirtee la horkeenosharciga .
DadweynahaBooramawaxaankasiinayaaraalligelinintii ay dhaawacyokasoogaadheenmaamulkiidhibtabadnaa, waxayjahawareerkuridenbulshadiioo ay kolbaninkadiidakuqaylinayeenoo ay kahorkenayeenbulshadasi ay dadka u majarohabaabiyaanoodantagaarka ah ee ay leeyihiin u fusho ,sidaruntaahnadawladahoosekama ay dhicin Ngo ninleeyahay
Sheekoayaaahayd in Jinkaoodhulkakubadnaauumaqlay cod aad u quruxbadankadibna ay illaahayweydiisteen in uuwaxaaciyaayadhulkauuugusoodejiyokadibnawuu u soodejayayillaahaywaxaanunoqdayWaraabewixiisamadacodkiisaaykamaqlayeenwaraabihiiayaaillaahaykuyidhiillaahayoowmaxaancunaawaxaanukuyidhiwxaadcuntaakuwankuuyeedhaywaanucunayiyagiioodhanwaxaankawaadabulshadaiyoanagabawaanqabnaadhibtamaamulxumeeillaahaywaxaanbarinay is bedelkhayrqabainuuinookeeno .inshaalaahaamiin

Waxankusoogebagebaynlahaa in ay dowladukahortagtonetworkaxidhaneehargeysaiyobooramabaleheedoonayainuusiijiromaamulkiihoreamaba ay keensadaankulamidaoosidiihoreulashaqeeyaanagunamayeelayno in lkacagtaiilagaboobay D/hoose ay nalagashodagaal
Nalagujejebinayoooborobogaandolaleeyahayiyagaakhaldanoocidaasaawadata eek a illaaliyaoolayskuhabarwacdo dal iyodibadbawaa in ay arintaasisixooglehugahortagtaadawladuoo ay sharcigaulatiigsatocidkastaooku lug leh musuqmaasuqan iyo boobka hantida..

Xildhibaan Xasan Caynaan oo ka mid ah golaha deegaanka Borama

xasancaynaan@yahoo.com

Suldan Abubakar Cilmi Wabar, Chief of Jibriil Yoonis, declared on December5, 2014, that his region of Awdal was no longer part of Somaliland. He was joined by the former Mayor of Borama, Abdiraxman Shide Bile ( Musafin Clan ) and number of foot soldiers. They organized a militia within and around the village of Qulujeed, and have subsequently had sporadic clashes with Somaliland militia in and around Borama.

Wabar’s objection to Somaliland arose from the unfair distribution and allocation of civil servant positionsin Somaliland. The unfair distribution of foreign development projects, an unfair judicial system, lack of employment opportunities for college graduates, and wide-spread nepotism were additional reasons for his revolt.

The aforementioned inequities are exacerbated by the president’s appointment of clan men to all economic arteries of the region, followed bythe exercising of their authority with impunity. They levy unbearable taxes on individuals and the commodities they are shuttling between Djibouti and Borama. Merchants and travelers who are unable to pay the exorbitant taxes or extortion money find their fuel, cigarettes, rice and flour confiscated and sold by rogue soldiers. The heavy-handed taxes were designed to discourage and drive out any local individual businesses and replace them withbusinesses owned and/or operated by non-indigenous individuals with family ties to the President of Somaliland. Residents of Saylac and Lughaya reported that such individualshave been given monopolies to buy and sell fuel and other commodities.The police and military back up and protect these coteries.

Some of the elders have voiced their concerns about this issue–and other, even bigger political settlements among the tribes of Somaliland. The elders have taken an inventory of power distribution at all levels of government and found that Somaliland is not a fair and balanced state.  The elders submitted a factual report citing the grossimbalance of the power structure in Somaliland.  They informed Axmed Maxamuud Siilaanyo, the president of Somaliland, and asked him to take immediate corrective actions. He reluctantly said that the government would appoint a committee to evaluate the tribal power distribution. The President’s lack of tangible response caused a rift within the Awdal region, which began to question whether or not it should continue to be part of Somaliland.Whether by design or default, the conversation that was supposed to take place between Somaliland and Awdal left Awdal standing alone.

Wabar was one of the elders from Awdalwhosubmitted the report to the president.  When Wabar saw no sign of hope or action from the president to improve government allocation of civil servant positions, he took the bold action of seceding from Somaliland and joinedthe diasporain its effort to find an alternative to Somaliland. Both Wabar and the diaspora want to model Awdal region after the new Somali Federal system in Muqdisho. The federal system would give Awdal the autonomy it is seeking. This model is opposed by the Somaliland government, which deployed forces to Awdal to capture or kill Wabar.

Somaliland leaders arrested several young men from Borama who openly opposed Somaliland, and some of them are in the infamous prison of Madera between Hargeisa and Berbera. The diaspora of the region has thrown its weight behind Wabar’s movement. Wabar has the manpower and the diaspora has the funds and political expertise to collectively weaken the Somaliland government. Young, disgruntled, people are flocking to his movement and people are wary of what is to come. In a recent peace conference in Borama, Sheekh Cabdillahi Sheekh Cali Jowhar, a prominent preacher, said, “The region’s diaspora is ready to go to war with Somaliland and we must talk to them.”

Many elders, chiefs, intellectuals and former guerrilla fightershave shrugged off the movement and distanced themselves from Wabar. Many of these individuals have vested interests in, and close relationshipswith the government of Somaliland. They are the extended arm of Somaliland, and have power and influence to block the aspirations of an independent regional administration.  The majority of the elders would financially suffer if they supported Wabar’s call for regional sovereignty. The elders are on the payroll of the Ministry of the Interior—an obvious inducement for the tribe to back the government whether it is beneficial to the tribe or not. This nefarious method of governing was introduced by the British colonial power during its reign, which purposely and selectively pittedsome tribes against others in order to keep selected groups on their side. Successive Somali and Somaliland administrations have followed suit.

What is good for an individual chief is not necessarily in the best interests of the tribe. Chiefs are governing largely educated and well-informed, urbanized population, and their mantle no longer has the weight it once did. The elders cannot demonstrate what they have accomplished for the tribe through the Somaliland government, and can only fall back onciting development projects funded by the diaspora, including schools, hospitals and water wells.  Local stability and the availability of education attracted Somalis from all walks of life to Awdal, who came to pursue their education ina peaceful place where they would not experience discrimination.

Some of elders take credit for fostering the peace and security that led to these accomplishments and they don’t want to lose it easily. They would rather keep Somaliland together. These elders are not having success in persuading the current Somaliland administration to keep the tribes together. Twenty-three years of Somaliland’s governance has resulted in the consolidation of tribal hegemony, not in the development of a place shared equally by the five tribes and others that reside in Somaliland.

The premise of the diaspora is to correct mistakes made by elders and intellectuals in the early inception of Somaliland’s power distribution along tribal lines. Both the diaspora and the elders agree that tribal power distribution has to be revised to prevent tribal hegemony. The approach of the respective camps is widely divergent.Wabar and the diaspora see the Somaliland government as unfair, unequal, and imbalanced in both leadership and the sharing of resources.  They want to correct that mistake through war, especially after all calls for Somaliland to establish an inclusive governmentstructure was ignored or failed. Abdiraxman Aw Cali Farah, former guerrilla fighter andvice-president of Somaliland, said to members of the diaspora, “[During our time] we made peace and we expect wiser moves from our diaspora rather than a call to arms.If you are going to correct our mistakes don’t correct us with destruction.”

A long term political settlement that includes fair and equitable redistribution of power and resources is not likely to be undertaken by Somaliland anytime soon. That decision was reached by the tribe, even from the time it began the process of state building, and relegated only non-essential positions of authority and power to non-Isaks. The attitude is that all non-Isak tribes should take the “backseat”–but no one wants to sit in the back seat.  It is very difficult for those in the back seat to see over the big heads of those seated in the front.  Somaliland can expect a rough and turbulent ride until it is willing to share the front seat equally among all tribes and peoples living within its boundaries. Action should be taken immediately to correct the glaring imbalances, and to bring about fair and equitable power sharing among all Somaliland citizens.

By Jaafar M Sh Jama

 A comparative Analysis: A good leader translates intentions into reality, serves as a role model and his actions speak louder than his words. He stands up for the right thing, shows the way, holds to his guns and espouses the positive beliefs. His criticisms accentuate the positive as well as the negative. He has the interests of all the community at heart. Compassion and the ability to provide clarity to a situation is probably the most valuable of his traits. He leads by example and treats people fairly and equitably. He is not afraid to speak-out when it is warranted; but in a manner that is constructive. Leadership is all about setting the right example and making a difference in people’s lives.

Given the above leadership traits, what do we know about the Somaliland Presidents and how do we remember them in posterity? And how many of them have leadership qualities? You have probably heard the old saying that “anybody can grow up to be President. But, not everybody is cut out to be President”. Who is cut out to be a President in our land? Who has the talent and character to weather the pressures of life in the Presidential Office?

The four Presidents can be grouped into two; those who come from the East and those who come from the West. The First and the current President hail from the Eastern Regions. The two in the middle hail from the Western Regions. Leaders from the East share some commonalities; both are known by their nicknames…Tuur and Silanyo.  Both carry a Jihadist title…Mujahid Tuur and Mujahid Siilanyo. They are of nomadic origin and background. They also share having a lighter skin. When they came to power there was a lot of expectations and lavish celebrations marked their inception. People expected them to bring recognition at home where it belongs. That expectation still remains elusive.

Leaders from the West share some commonalities too. They are known by their real names… Egal and Rayale. Both carry a Faqash title. They had settled urban background. They also share having darker skin. Their inception into power was low key. Nobody expected them to move mountains as they came to power. But they left an indelible mark in the history of Somaliland as they left. That much we know about them to start with. What else?

1.         President Abdirahman Ahmed Ali:

The first President Abdurahman Tuur; was a no nonsense man. He was an enigma even to his closest associates. He hardly made any public speeches to discern his makeup. Although he was an adroit administrator and a seasoned diplomat; speech making was not one of his known traits. His administrative capabilities did not go well with his jihadist responsibilities. He acted as his heart dictated him because the given hierarchy of leadership was not to his liking. President Abdurahman Tuur had the ability to make a non-answer look like an answer. He came to the Presidency at the most difficult time. He was elected to head a council of Ministers composed of all sections of the country. A parallel council known as the Command and Control (Calan Cas) composed of military sector commanders already existed who insisted to do things in their own way. They had an attitude of; ‘we paid for it with our own blood’. The divided the country into two camps; the conqueror and the conquered; the winner and the loser, the owner and the owned. That did not sit well with an elected president who represented all the people. The two councils did not see eye to eye on the burning issues at the time. Peace and stability became very scanty then. People expected the President to talk about the hopes and fears of Somaliland independence, but he didn’t. He did it by choice not because he couldn’t. All his efforts were consumed by rivalry between him and the Red flag. He was not successful as much as expected and he ultimately fell out of Somaliland. One of his virtues was not to crack under pressure. He never used his jihadist credentials like his other jihadists. President AbdirahmanTuur remained an enigma and his close associates complained of not being able to read him. He is better known as the “smoking President”.

2.         President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal:

In sheer contrast to the first President, the second President, Mohamed Ibrahim Egal was known for his oratory and public speaking ability. But he inherited all the problems between the Red Flag and his predecessor. His first order of business was to put to a successful conclusion to the rivalry between the elected President and Red flag group. A Good Communicator who was willing to work to understand the needs and desires of others by considering all options to ultimately lead them in the right direction. He was a political animal and out maneuvered his political opponents. He treated people fairly and equitably. He was also known to be inpatient in sheer contrast to the first President. He wanted to get results faster to improve the traumatized lives of people at cross roads. He was not afraid to speak-out when it was warranted; but he did it in a manner that was acceptable. He is known to have used tribalism as a means to an end…to fight tribalism itself. In that way he reinvented Somaliland. He led Somaliland into independence and led again into Statehood. He showed leadership at difficult times and there is a firm belief that Somaliland wouldn’t be what it is now without his contribution and he could have done more if he got his way during his Presidency. He is approvingly quoted as saying, “the world has turned its back to us, but we can change this unfortunate situation into a blessing by occupying the chair vacated by Siyad Bare”. He had the capacity and the will to rally people to a common purpose and had the character which inspired confidence. As a President he firmly stood up for what he thought was right for Somaliland. But the CC group opposed him chapter and verse. A war from within then ensued which endangered Somaliland’s existence. There is a strong belief that he set the right example of leadership which made Somaliland’s Statehood. He was seen as a veteran politician of indisputable leadership qualities. He is the only President who is known not to have pocketed a penny out of the public coffer for himself during his long political career. He will be remembered for his selflessness, ability, charisma, courage and leadership at difficult times and as the father and founder of Somaliland.

3.         President Dahir Rayale Kahin:

Presidency was a thrust upon Dahir Rayale Kahin as he came to power following the sad demise of President Egal.  Nobody took him seriously when he came to power. He knew fitting into the shoes of a political icon will not be easy. He came to Presidential Office as a pussycat and left it as a roaring lion. He tried to assure the politically skeptic public, that he is in command and to assure them that he can fit into the shoes of President Egal…the best known Somali politician.  He faithfully continued on the path that was laid down by his predecessor. Patience and steady fastness was probably the most valuable of his traits. He was not known for his flamboyant speeches like his predecessor, but was famous for being short and up to the point in public speech making. He did not criticize anyone in public, and made no public promises that he wouldn’t keep, or did anything to compromise his values and principles or discredit his character. He had the interests of all the Somalilanders at heart. He survived a murder attempt on his life twice. He is known not to have left a stone unturned to see Somaliland recognized. He was the only President who depended more on his advisors than the advice of his tribe. He considered all options before he made important decisions by seeking input from all concerned parties. He did not shy away from making hard choices or responses at difficult times. President Rayale will be remembered for his patience at difficult times and the manner he transferred power to his successor and what he said then in his farewell speech. He will also be remembered as the President who conducted successful elections than all Presidents put together and as a result made Somaliland a working democracy. Nobody took him seriously when he came to power but he made an indelible mark in the history of Somaliland as he left the Presidency. His farewell speech resonates in everybody’s mind, ‘I am glad to handover to you Mr. President a country with a secure border and its people at peace with one another.

4.         President Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud:

After 8 years of hard ball campaign and fiery speeches, the Presidency fell into the hands of President Silanyo the top Mujahid with a very comfortable margin. At the helms of the nation though, President Silanyo looks a different man altogether than the roaring opposition man we knew. He is no more the fighting man who had blood in his eyes. They say President Silaanyo came to Office as a roaring lion and remains in Office as a pussycat… the other way round for his predecessor. What he did or said when he was the Opposition leader haunts him as a President. Press censorship, imprisonment of journalists, extension of President’s term etc were bad then not anymore. He is the only President accused of excessive decentralization of his power and the one quality he needs to succeed is the ability to take on responsibility for the mistakes made by his government. President Siilaayo was very adept at finger pointing at others but unable to accept responsibility for his mistakes. He exhibited little patience too for his critics although he was the most critical Opposition leader before he occupied the office of the Presidency. His after midnight barrage of insults to the chairman of Ucid Party was a classical case of Presidential intolerance. He is accused of not being decisive and slow in decision making and because of that some of his old friends call him by his other nickname ‘Ahmed Gudi’ (Committee). But the change President Silanyo promised came not in trickle but in torrential form and could drown all of us. Everything is subject to change. The about-turn of the Somaliland foreign policy is the most dramatic one of all. The way Silanyo handled the London Conference and after is considered to be a master piece. He convinced everybody that the London conference and the dialogue with Somalia were in our best interest; an area hitherto untouchable. He is the only President who can do that without heads being scratched. President Silanyo showed true leadership by being able to provide clarity to a difficult situation no one before him was able to do. He was able to communicate his vision in a manner that caused Somaliladers to buy into it. As a President, he has a way with his political adversaries too unlike his predecessors. President Silanyo has the ability at times to make false moves look like a genuine one. He is a political survivor with nine lives. A political Jihadist who believes might is right. He holds to his dogmas come what may.  He likes to move at his own pace and refuses to be pushed around by anybody… friends or foes alike even if that is for a good reason. Sometimes he plays hard ball to test his adversaries’ nerves and that drives some of them into a breaking point. He abhors to be predictable and taken for granted as he loves to keep both friends and adversaries guessing. For most politicians what you see is what you get, for President Silanyo you don’t get what you see. When the opposition said the President is getting old and will not be interested to run for a second term, The President hit the road running from Hargeisa to Zeila and then to Lasqoray and back to Hargeisa. On his way to Lasqoray he swam in the Red Sea at Batalale Beach like a twenty one year old swimmer. The Opposition was stunned to see the President’s actions spoke loader than his words. He wiped out the word ‘too old’ from the opposition’s dictionary with one fatal stroke… one Presidential marathon run.  Presidential aspirant of his Party were also caught their pants down. On the other hand he is known to incite his supporters into frenzy…”even if you rape me I am Kumiye”. No leader inspired that much support before him and may be nobody will. He has been in politics for more than 40 years and knows that there is no permanent friendship but permanent interest. That political realism put some of his good old friends on edge and felt betrayed. Samale and Abib the President’s closest allies left him recently in the cold after they realized their interest is no more with their friend and long time confidant, because they expect the President’s term of Office to come to a close within three months. A lot of people thought they were Silanyo made and will stick with him in thin and thick of times. But they deserted him at the time he needed them citing the most outrageous reasons. The President must see this as a political wisdom, because he did the same thing to his closest friends; Abdurrahman Aw Ali, Musa Behi, Mohamed Eskersso etc. We do to you as you do to others is a fair game. The President has pardoned anybody who has been convicted by a court of law whether it is a death penalty or imprisonment without exception during his Presidency. He insists people convicted but at the same also insists to pardon them quickly before they serve any jail sentences. There is also a lopsided case where the President gave an official clemency before two alleged offenders were convicted. We all know losing is not an option for the President. He sticks to guns; ‘heads I win, tails you lose’. President Silanyo will be better remembered as a President who uses excessive force and leniency at the same time. He exhibits two characters at odd with one another namely cruelty and kindness… bitter sweet. His reign is not yet over and we may see more of his political stuns in the coming years… stay tuned.

A comparative Analysis:

A good leader translates intentions into reality, serves as a role model and his actions speak louder than his words. He stands up for the right thing, shows the way, holds to his guns and espouses the positive beliefs. His criticisms accentuate the positive as well as the negative. He has the interests of all the community at heart. Compassion and the ability to provide clarity to a situation is probably the most valuable of his traits. He leads by example and treats people fairly and equitably. He is not afraid to speak-out when it is warranted; but in a manner that is constructive. Leadership is all about setting the right example and making a difference in people’s lives.

Given the above leadership traits, what do we know about the Somaliland Presidents and how do we remember them in posterity? And how many of them have leadership qualities? You have probably heard the old saying that “anybody can grow up to be President. But, not everybody is cut out to be President”. Who is cut out to be a President in our land? Who has the talent and character to weather the pressures of life in the Presidential Office?

The four Presidents can be grouped into two; those who come from the East and those who come from the West. The First and the current President hail from the Eastern Regions. The two in the middle hail from the Western Regions. Leaders from the East share some commonalities; both are known by their nicknames…Tuur and Silanyo.  Both carry a Jihadist title…Mujahid Tuur and Mujahid Siilanyo. They are of nomadic origin and background. They also share having a lighter skin. When they came to power there was a lot of expectations and lavish celebrations marked their inception. People expected them to bring recognition at home where it belongs. That expectation still remains elusive.

Leaders from the West share some commonalities too. They are known by their real names… Egal and Rayale. Both carry a Faqash title. They had settled urban background. They also share having darker skin. Their inception into power was low key. Nobody expected them to move mountains as they came to power. But they left an indelible mark in the history of Somaliland as they left. That much we know about them to start with. What else?

1.         President Abdirahman Ahmed Ali:

The first President Abdurahman Tuur; was a no nonsense man. He was an enigma even to his closest associates. He hardly made any public speeches to discern his makeup. Although he was an adroit administrator and a seasoned diplomat; speech making was not one of his known traits. His administrative capabilities did not go well with his jihadist responsibilities. He acted as his heart dictated him because the given hierarchy of leadership was not to his liking. President Abdurahman Tuur had the ability to make a non-answer look like an answer. He came to the Presidency at the most difficult time. He was elected to head a council of Ministers composed of all sections of the country. A parallel council known as the Command and Control (Calan Cas) composed of military sector commanders already existed who insisted to do things in their own way. They had an attitude of; ‘we paid for it with our own blood’. The divided the country into two camps; the conqueror and the conquered; the winner and the loser, the owner and the owned. That did not sit well with an elected president who represented all the people. The two councils did not see eye to eye on the burning issues at the time. Peace and stability became very scanty then. People expected the President to talk about the hopes and fears of Somaliland independence, but he didn’t. He did it by choice not because he couldn’t. All his efforts were consumed by rivalry between him and the Red flag. He was not successful as much as expected and he ultimately fell out of Somaliland. One of his virtues was not to crack under pressure. He never used his jihadist credentials like his other jihadists. President AbdirahmanTuur remained an enigma and his close associates complained of not being able to read him. He is better known as the “smoking President”.

2.         President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal:

In sheer contrast to the first President, the second President, Mohamed Ibrahim Egal was known for his oratory and public speaking ability. But he inherited all the problems between the Red Flag and his predecessor. His first order of business was to put to a successful conclusion to the rivalry between the elected President and Red flag group. A Good Communicator who was willing to work to understand the needs and desires of others by considering all options to ultimately lead them in the right direction. He was a political animal and out maneuvered his political opponents. He treated people fairly and equitably. He was also known to be inpatient in sheer contrast to the first President. He wanted to get results faster to improve the traumatized lives of people at cross roads. He was not afraid to speak-out when it was warranted; but he did it in a manner that was acceptable. He is known to have used tribalism as a means to an end…to fight tribalism itself. In that way he reinvented Somaliland. He led Somaliland into independence and led again into Statehood. He showed leadership at difficult times and there is a firm belief that Somaliland wouldn’t be what it is now without his contribution and he could have done more if he got his way during his Presidency. He is approvingly quoted as saying, “the world has turned its back to us, but we can change this unfortunate situation into a blessing by occupying the chair vacated by Siyad Bare”. He had the capacity and the will to rally people to a common purpose and had the character which inspired confidence. As a President he firmly stood up for what he thought was right for Somaliland. But the CC group opposed him chapter and verse. A war from within then ensued which endangered Somaliland’s existence. There is a strong belief that he set the right example of leadership which made Somaliland’s Statehood. He was seen as a veteran politician of indisputable leadership qualities. He is the only President who is known not to have pocketed a penny out of the public coffer for himself during his long political career. He will be remembered for his selflessness, ability, charisma, courage and leadership at difficult times and as the father and founder of Somaliland.

3.         President Dahir Rayale Kahin:

Presidency was a thrust upon Dahir Rayale Kahin as he came to power following the sad demise of President Egal.  Nobody took him seriously when he came to power. He knew fitting into the shoes of a political icon will not be easy. He came to Presidential Office as a pussycat and left it as a roaring lion. He tried to assure the politically skeptic public, that he is in command and to assure them that he can fit into the shoes of President Egal…the best known Somali politician.  He faithfully continued on the path that was laid down by his predecessor. Patience and steady fastness was probably the most valuable of his traits. He was not known for his flamboyant speeches like his predecessor, but was famous for being short and up to the point in public speech making. He did not criticize anyone in public, and made no public promises that he wouldn’t keep, or did anything to compromise his values and principles or discredit his character. He had the interests of all the Somalilanders at heart. He survived a murder attempt on his life twice. He is known not to have left a stone unturned to see Somaliland recognized. He was the only President who depended more on his advisors than the advice of his tribe. He considered all options before he made important decisions by seeking input from all concerned parties. He did not shy away from making hard choices or responses at difficult times. President Rayale will be remembered for his patience at difficult times and the manner he transferred power to his successor and what he said then in his farewell speech. He will also be remembered as the President who conducted successful elections than all Presidents put together and as a result made Somaliland a working democracy. Nobody took him seriously when he came to power but he made an indelible mark in the history of Somaliland as he left the Presidency. His farewell speech resonates in everybody’s mind, ‘I am glad to handover to you Mr. President a country with a secure border and its people at peace with one another.

4.         President Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud:

After 8 years of hard ball campaign and fiery speeches, the Presidency fell into the hands of President Silanyo the top Mujahid with a very comfortable margin. At the helms of the nation though, President Silanyo looks a different man altogether than the roaring opposition man we knew. He is no more the fighting man who had blood in his eyes. They say President Silaanyo came to Office as a roaring lion and remains in Office as a pussycat… the other way round for his predecessor. What he did or said when he was the Opposition leader haunts him as a President. Press censorship, imprisonment of journalists, extension of President’s term etc were bad then not anymore. He is the only President accused of excessive decentralization of his power and the one quality he needs to succeed is the ability to take on responsibility for the mistakes made by his government. President Siilaayo was very adept at finger pointing at others but unable to accept responsibility for his mistakes. He exhibited little patience too for his critics although he was the most critical Opposition leader before he occupied the office of the Presidency. His after midnight barrage of insults to the chairman of Ucid Party was a classical case of Presidential intolerance. He is accused of not being decisive and slow in decision making and because of that some of his old friends call him by his other nickname ‘Ahmed Gudi’ (Committee). But the change President Silanyo promised came not in trickle but in torrential form and could drown all of us. Everything is subject to change. The about-turn of the Somaliland foreign policy is the most dramatic one of all. The way Silanyo handled the London Conference and after is considered to be a master piece. He convinced everybody that the London conference and the dialogue with Somalia were in our best interest; an area hitherto untouchable. He is the only President who can do that without heads being scratched. President Silanyo showed true leadership by being able to provide clarity to a difficult situation no one before him was able to do. He was able to communicate his vision in a manner that caused Somaliladers to buy into it. As a President, he has a way with his political adversaries too unlike his predecessors. President Silanyo has the ability at times to make false moves look like a genuine one. He is a political survivor with nine lives. A political Jihadist who believes might is right. He holds to his dogmas come what may.  He likes to move at his own pace and refuses to be pushed around by anybody… friends or foes alike even if that is for a good reason. Sometimes he plays hard ball to test his adversaries’ nerves and that drives some of them into a breaking point. He abhors to be predictable and taken for granted as he loves to keep both friends and adversaries guessing. For most politicians what you see is what you get, for President Silanyo you don’t get what you see. When the opposition said the President is getting old and will not be interested to run for a second term, The President hit the road running from Hargeisa to Zeila and then to Lasqoray and back to Hargeisa. On his way to Lasqoray he swam in the Red Sea at Batalale Beach like a twenty one year old swimmer. The Opposition was stunned to see the President’s actions spoke loader than his words. He wiped out the word ‘too old’ from the opposition’s dictionary with one fatal stroke… one Presidential marathon run.  Presidential aspirant of his Party were also caught their pants down. On the other hand he is known to incite his supporters into frenzy…”even if you rape me I am Kumiye”. No leader inspired that much support before him and may be nobody will. He has been in politics for more than 40 years and knows that there is no permanent friendship but permanent interest. That political realism put some of his good old friends on edge and felt betrayed. Samale and Abib the President’s closest allies left him recently in the cold after they realized their interest is no more with their friend and long time confidant, because they expect the President’s term of Office to come to a close within three months. A lot of people thought they were Silanyo made and will stick with him in thin and thick of times. But they deserted him at the time he needed them citing the most outrageous reasons. The President must see this as a political wisdom, because he did the same thing to his closest friends; Abdurrahman Aw Ali, Musa Behi, Mohamed Eskersso etc. We do to you as you do to others is a fair game. The President has pardoned anybody who has been convicted by a court of law whether it is a death penalty or imprisonment without exception during his Presidency. He insists people convicted but at the same also insists to pardon them quickly before they serve any jail sentences. There is also a lopsided case where the President gave an official clemency before two alleged offenders were convicted. We all know losing is not an option for the President. He sticks to guns at all times; ‘heads I win, tails you lose’. President Silanyo will be better remembered as a President who uses excessive force and leniency at the same time. He exhibits two characters at odd with one another namely cruelty and kindness… bitter sweet. His reign is not yet over and we may see more of his political stuns in the coming years… stay tuned.

Dr Omar Ibrahim Hussein

omarh.1948@gmail.com

On March 8, 2015, two TV journalists were imprisoned in Berbera. The two, Abdirahman Mohamed Egeh of Royal TV and Mubarak Osman Said of Star TV, were imprisoned for allegedly betraying the Nation.

In November 2014, four radio journalists were jailed in Hargeisa and their radio equipment confiscated. In a piece posted on February 26, 2015, Somaliland.org, the flagship internet mouth piece for the Silanyo Administration, provided an update of the status of the radio journalists in a news item entitled: “Update of Radio BAADI-GOOB Staff & Equipment that were engaged in the Destruction of the Nation (Qaran Dumis)”. It quoted the prosecutor for Marodi Jeeh region, Abdikarim Ahmed, as saying the case is nearing a conclusion after three sessions. According to the website, the prosecutor pointed out “the four defendants have confessed that they were the ones operating the radio and for disseminating the material they are alleged to have broadcasted” adding that “we have brought before the court the equipment for the radio and the defendants led by Yonis Farah Osman”. The prosecutor said the defendants were charged with the possession of illegal radio equipment, disseminating false information and songs inciting the people to revolt against the State. He added Yonis Farah Osman owned the majority ownership in the equipment and accused the defendants of working for WADANI party.

Last year also, among others: Haatuf and its sister newspaper, the Somaliland Times, were shuttered and the owner Yusuf Gabobe and his editor Ahmed Egeh were imprisoned; In Borama, Mohamed Abdi Muse of Boramanews.com and Abdulaziz Ibrahim Abdillahi of Universal TV were jailed; Muktar Nuh Ibrahim of Horn TV and Musa Hassan Sheikh of Somsat TV were thrown into jail; Universal TV was banned from broadcasting into Somaliland and Hubal newspaper was shuttered.

When Ahmed Silanyo was campaigning to unseat Dahir Rayale his supporters operated FM radio called HORYAAL that his supporters operated in Hargeisa. The Rayale Administration neither confiscated the equipment nor imprisoned those who worked at radio HORYAAL.

Some of the staff of the radio, Duhul and Sayid are high ranking officials of the Silanyo Administration, the former spokesman for President Silanyo. It defies credulity that Ahmed Silanyo would charge journalists with treason when he was engaged in the same behavior when he was opposition leader!!

It has become a common practice for officials and supporters of the Silanyo Administration to accuse their critics of such charges as treason and being enemy of the State. The use of these words is a marker for a descent into fascism. These charges were used during the 20^th century by communists, fascists and other dictators to eliminate those they suspected challenged their authority. The number of people, who were killed by dictators in the 20^th century, the bloodiest century in human history, is estimated to be about 260 million people. These are loaded words – treason, betrayal of the nation, enemy of the people- that should never be used in Hargeisa against anybody. The fact is those journalists are as patriotice as any body else.

The policies of this Administration raises larger question: If President Ahmed Silanyo is to run again will he allow for free and fair election? His behavior since he became President casts doubt on this: he spends millions of dollars on the government controlled media- TV, radio, print and internet websites- but adamantly objects to giving any air time or space to the opposition parties to express their views and charges them with treason when they open their own news outlets; he imprisoned elected members of parliament and municipal council on frivolous charges; he jailed print, TV and radio journalists; he shuttered newspaper shops and confiscated radio equipment, all in violation of the constitution.

His age, which is not less than 80 years, and his bullying and autocratic streak, will be a factor in the election. If he does not mess up with the election results himself, others will do for him. A condition of the extension of his terms, which ends on June 26^th 2015, must be that he should not run again.

Adan H Iman

Los Angeles

e-mail:adaniman40@gmail.com

Hordhaca tifaftiraha.

Waxan jeclahay in aan maqaalka Awlio inta aynaan akhriyin ka yara hor marsado is barasho aan si kooban ugu eegeyno who is Awlio? ama ninkan maqaalka aan akhrisan doonno innoo soo qoray waa kuma? 

Awliyo…… waa Ibrahim Abdillaahi Mohamede waxa uu immiga ku nool yahay dalka maraykanka gobolka   California magaalada San Jose. Marka aan xasuustayda dib u celiyo, waxa uu ka mid ahaa amma uu hormood u ahaa ardaydii wakhtigiisii lagu xasuusto waxbarashada.  Ee ilaahay hibada u siiyey ama u fududeeyey waxbarashada. Ibrahim waxa uu si fiican oo heer sare ah ugu hadlaa ama u qoraa luqado badan, sida Somaliga, Englishka, Carabiga iyo Frenciska. 

Ibrahim Awliyo …..Xasuustiisa Dilla ee uu innoo soo bandhigi doono, ayaa anna I xasuusisay sida ay Dilli caanka ugu ahayd waxbarashada.  illaa iyo 1958kiina waxa ay soo saaraysey arday tiro iyo tayo labadaba leh oo aan ka dhicin Awliyo. Nasiibkaa uu degaankaasi aqoonta u helayna waxa aas aaskeeda lahaa ama aabbe u ahaa Allaha u naxariistee Sh. Omer Goth oo kaalmaysanayey wasaaraddii waxbarasha ee  wakhtigaa jirtay oo uu hormood u ahaa Aabbihii waxbarashada cusub Mohamuud Ahmed Ali iyo  haldoor badan oo ay ka mid ahaayeen Abdi Bade, Cige Bila, Sh. Muhumed Faarax, Xaamud Sheekh iyo kale oo badan, la’aantoodna  aanay suurta gasheen in la helo xasuusta amma taariikhda uu Ibrahim innoo soo bandhigi doono.

Ku soo dhawaada maqaalkii Ibrahim

Waxan jeclahay in aan qoraal kooban oo hor dhac ah idinla qaybsado xasuusihii magaalada Dilla oo aan ku magacaabo, jeclahayna in la ila qaato in ay magaaladani tahay “Ilayska Geeska Afrika”. Magaaladu waa Dilla, waxay u dhaxaysa Borma oo 25 km ka xigta galbeed iyo Gabiley  oo 25 km uga ka xigta bari. Magacan “Iftiinka Geeska Afrika” waxay ku mutaysatay waxyaabo badan oo aan la koobi karin oo mid walba kuu tilmaamayo “Ilays ama Iftiin” kuna abtirsada magaalada Dilla. Marka laga tago sida ay manta tahay, waxay soo martay Dilla marxalado kala duwanaa oo intooda badan ay Nuuraysay. Afartanaadkii qarnigii hore,  waxay ahayd magaalo cilmi, magaalo caafimaad iyo magaalo baayac mushtari oo looga iman jiryay  min Kismaayo, la soo maro “Cape Gardafuu”  oo ah figta geeska Afrika, ilaa Ubukh (Obock) oo ah Woqooyiga dalka Djibouti. Magaalda waxa lagaga hadli jiray afka Samaaliga ka sakow, afka Engiriisiga oo ay ku hadli jireen niman baxaari  (seamen) ahaa oo adduunka shanta qaaradood ka ka kala iman jiray iyo rag Cadan iyo Suudaan wax ku soo bartay oo shahaadooyin cilmi watay iyo niman ka tirsanaa ciidamadii ama shaqaalihii Ingiriiska. Afka Fransiiska, oo ay ku hadli jireen niman ciidamada Fransiiska ka qayb qaatay oo markay 15 sannadood ciidanka ku soo jiraan (kaanska) fadhiga ku lacag qaadan jiray oo soo degay Dilla iyo qoysas aad u tiro badan oo ka soo xagaa bixi jiray Djibouti. Afka Carabiga oo ay ku hadli jireen culimo waaweyn oo caan ahaa, taariikhdana ku suntan oo ka soo kala qalin jabiyey darajooyinka cilmi ee ugu sarreeyey waqtigaana ka sitay Jaamicadaha Al-Azhar Al-Shareef iyo Makka iyo Madiina. Waxa kale oo afkan carabiga ku hadli jirey culimo badan oo wax ku soo bartay Herer. Waxa jiray niman iyaguna ka tirsanaan jiray askartii ama shaqaalihii Talyaaniga oo iyaguna afka Talyaaniga ku maahmaahi jiray oo macnayn jiray, “Rovo di Calyoone”.

Dabayaaqadii kontonaadkii, waxa laga dhisay Dilla iskuul elementary ah oo arday aad u tiro badan la qoray, qoys aan ugu yaraan arday ku darsani ma jirin. Aabbaha wiilkiisa iskuulka qori waaya waxa loogu yeedhi jiray “Qayrkii ka Hadhe”. Waxa markaa bilowday in ay Dilla soo saarto aqoon yahanno ka muuqda oo ka iftiima meel kasta oo ay tagaan marka ay dhammaystaan elementariga. Wax ka soo baxay iskuulkan Dilla aqoon yahanno tiro badan magac dheer leh oo ku fiday kuna fidiyey cilmiga afarta carro “Qaaradaha Adduunka”.

Ujeeddada qoraalkan oo ah in aan dareemay in dib u dhac ku yimid horumoodnimadii magaalada. Waxana damacaygu yahay in aan baraarujiyo aqoon yahanka iyo wax garadka u dhashay in ay u soo jeestaan magaalada oo ay dib u nooleeyaan taariikhdeedii iyo in la gaadhsiiyo maqaamka ay mudan tahay.

Waxa innoo xiga in aan balballaadhinno oo aan tafaasiir dheeraad ah ka bixinno waxa ay Dilla geeska Afrika u qabatay iyo mudnaanta ay u qalanto ee ay ku mutaysatay in loogu yeedho “Ilayska Geeska Afrika”.

Ibrahim A. Mohamed (Awlio)

San Jose – California

Fadlan Halkan ka Daawo fariinta la xidhiidha Isdiiwaan galinta jaamacada iyo arimo kale

DR. ABDILLAHI XAASHI ABIIB
MADAX WEYNAHA JAAMACADA
001-571-246-7211
WASHINGTON DC
USA

Dr Cabdishakuur cabdilaahi Sh.Ibrahim (Dr Sanco )  ayaa wareysi ku saabsan xanuunka jooniska siiyey idaacada Afka Soomaaliga ku hadasha EE ERGO Cagaarshowga, jooniska ama Indha-caseeyaha ayaa ka mid ah xanuunada inta badan halista xambaarsan ama galaafta nolosha qofka uu helo, bulshada Soomaalida ah ee gudaha joogtana wuxuu ku jira kuwa badan ee ay ka cawdaan, xanuunkani wuxuu ka mid yahay kuwa sida dhididka, dhiiga, wada cunista iyo galmadaba lagu kala qaado. Boqolaal milyan oo bulshada aduunka ah ayaa xanuunkani hayaa, isagoo sanad walba aduunka ku dila in ka badan nus milyan qof, dhakhaatiirta ayaa sheegaya in bulshadeennu aysan aad ugu baraarugsanayn halista xanuunkan. Weriyeheenna Abdirahman Mohamed Haaji ayaa xanuunkan siyaabaha uu ku fido, halista uu leeyahay, hababka looga badbaadi karo iyo waxa bulshada la gudboonba wuxuu ka waraystay Dr. Cabdishakuur Cabdullaahi Sanco oo ku takhasusay cuddurada guud, cudurrada caruurtana u qaabilsan cisbitalka gaarka loo leeyahay ee Al-HILAAL. CLINIC.

Halkan Ka Daawo :

Qormadani waa tii ugu horreysey ee nooceeda ah,kana waranta xarakadii SNM, kuna soo baxda shabakadda awdalpress.com, waxana qoray qoraa isku dayey in uu dhex dhexaad ka noqdo hadafkii SNM iyo sidii ay hawsha loo waday, laakiin ka mid ahaa dadkii taageeri jiray xarakadaasi. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, waxa uu qoraagu maqaalkiisa waxa uu kaga faalloonayaa dhinacyo badan. Sidan ayaanu u dhigay ee akhris wanaagsan:

Sannad guurada 34-aad ee SNM: Milicsi guud-mar ah

34 sannadood ayaa laga joogaa ku dhawaaqii ururkii Dhaqdhaqaaqa Waddaniga Soomaaliyeed  ee SNM. 6-dii April 1981 ayaa London laga shaaciyey yagleelka dhaqdhaqaaq ka horjeeda maamulkii kelitaliska ahaa ee Gen. Maxamed Siyaad Barre ee Soomaaliya ka calanwallayn jirey.

Marxalado iyo xaalado kala duwan ayaa SNM halgankeedu soo maray min abaabulkii hore ee ballaysinka ahaa, ku dhawaaqii rasmig ahaa, u ban-bixii goobaha naf-hurka iyo bilowgii dagaalka hubaysan, dhammaystirkii hawlaha dib u xoraynta, illaa wareejintii talada iyo dhalashadii Somaliland.

Taariikhdaasi si dhab ah oo garashaysan oo ka baxsan soohdimaha caaddifadda ogaalkayga loo ma qiimayn, si mug leh na wax ba looga ma qorin marka laga reebo in kooban oo hal-karaanle ah.

Waa taariikh aan 34 sannadood oo keliya ku saabsanayn, hase ahaato’e ka soo jeedda oo xidhiidh sokeeye la leh tagto hore oo boqollaal gu’yaal ku abtirsanaysa.

Muqdisho ayaa la tilmaamaa  abaabulkii hore ee SNM in uu ka bilaabmay nuskii dambe ee tobanlihii 1970-aadkii. Madaxdii sare xukuumaddii Soomaaliya rag ka mid ah oo kaashanaya qaar ka mid ah saraakiishii ciidamada qalabka sida iyo amniga iyo waxgarad kale ayaa ku dhaqaaqay abaabul qarsoodi ahaa oo dareenkiisu daarranaa in laga horyimaaddo oo lagu kaco siyaasaddii ka sii daraysey ee xukuumadda.

Madaxdaas iyo kooxaha ay abaabulkaas la wadeen waxa ay ka soo jeedeen Gobolladii Waqooyi, waxa aanay u badnaayeen reer keliya (Isaaq). Ismaaciil Cali Abokor iyo Cumar Carte Qaalib ayaa madaxda sare ka mid ahaa hormoodkooda. Dhanka saraakiisha waxa foolaad u ahaa Maxamed Xaashi Diiriye (Lixle) iyo Axmed Maxamed Halac labadooda ba AHUN. Ismaaciil Cali Abokor iyo Cumar Carte Qaalib iyo rag kale oo badan oo saraakiil iyo waxgarad kale ba leh waxa 1982 loo xidhxidhay arrintaas.

Goobta labaad ee abaabulka hore ee SNM ka socday waxa ay ahayd Sucuudiga oo ay ku noolaayeen waxgarad gobolladaas ka soo jeedey oo waa’ hore badankoodu dalka ka haajirey.

Labadaas qolo ee gudaha iyo dibedda abaabulkaas kaga foognaa waxa la tibaaxaa in ay is ogaayeen, hadda na aanay lahayn himilo guud mooyaane hadafyo hoose oo ku salaysan sida wax loo yagleelayo iyo sida himilada iyo higsiyada gaadhitaankooda la isku waafajinayo.

Waxa kale oo jirtey in labada qolo hawluhu u kala fududaayeen. Qolyaha guduhu waxa ay ku jireen af libaax oo way ka halis badnaayeen dhiggoodii kale ee Sucuudiga hawsha ka wadey. Si kasta ba ha ahaato’e qolyihii dibedda ayaa magacii yeeshay oo London kaga dhawaaqay SNM urur ay ula magac baxeen maanta oo kale 6/4/1981.

Qolyaha Sucuudigu waxa ay soo direen rag ay ka mid ahaayeen Sh. Yuusuf Sh. Cali Sh. Madar, Axmed Ismaaciil Cabdi (Duqsi) iyo Xasan Aadan Wadaad-diid saddexda ba AHUN oo noqday horseedkii halganka hubaysan. Itoobiya oo fadhiisin u ahayd mucaaridkii koowaad ee ugu xoogga badnaa SSDF ayay qolyahan SNM yagleelay u guureen, si ay uga bilaabaan halgan hubaysan.

Caqabaddii ugu waynayd ee ugu horraysay ee ay Itoobiya tegitaankeeda kala kulmaan kooxda SNM ayaa ahayd culays ku yimi oo ahaa in ay ku biiraan oo xoojiyaan jabhaddaas Soomaaliyeed ee kaga horraysay ee fadhiisimada Itoobiya ku lahayd. SSDF waxa ay lahayd cudud ciidan oo xoog leh oo ka garab dagaallama ciidamadii Mingiste iyo awood dhaqaale oo kaga furrayd  tuunbooyinkii xoorka badnaa ee Qaddaafiga Libya ee dhowaan halligmay.

Hoggaankii SNM ee Itoobiya tegey oo awel ba ay u guntanaayeen gocashooyin iyo hibasho ka soo jeeda habkii is raaca Soomaalida labada gobol ee 1960 iyo natiijooyinkii ka soo baxay, ayaa hadimo kale u arkay salfudayd iyo hubsiino la’aan kale oo ay maanta na SSDF ugu tagaan! Hoggaankii SSDF oo kaashanaya Itoobiya iyo Libya iyo qolyihii kale ee gacansaarka la lahaa ee Koonfurtii Yaman iyo Cuba, waxa uu geed dheer iyo mid gaaban ba u fuulay in kooxdan yar ee cusub aan faran kale iyo saldhigyo loo oggolaan, kuna soo biiraan oo hoos yimaaddaan hoggaankiisa.

Hal-adayg uu muujiyey hoggaankii kooxda SNM iyo saraakiil badan oo hoggaankaas taageersan oo gudaha ka soo tallowday iyo Jebintii Xabsiga Mandheera oo la haystayaal siyaasadeed ku jireen oo laga soo daayey ayaa kor u qaadday sumcaddii iyo aqoonsi siyaasadeed oo kooxda SNM Itoobiya ka helaan, taas oo jebisay xummaddii iyo hungurigii hoggaanka SSDF, horseedday na sii kala fogaansho iyo shaki labada hoggaan ka dhex hanaqaada oo waayaha halganka iyo labada jabhadood la sii guurguura.

SNM ma waxa ay aqoonsanayd in Gobolladii Waqooyi go’aan mabda’ ahaan?

Ururkii Dhaqdhaqaaqa Waddaniga Soomaaliyeed ee SNM waxa uu ahaa urur halgameed shacbi oo dib u xorayneed. Waxa ururkaasi marxaladihii uu soo maray kulmiyey dad kala duwan oo afkaaro kala duwanna kala walwaalayey oo xambaarsanaa.

Arrinta goosiga Gobollada Waqooyi fikir ahaan mar wal ba oollimaad waxa uu ku lahaa ururka dhexdiisa. Hase yeeshee wixii 1988 iyo guda galkii iyo burburkii weynaa ka horreeyey waxa afkaartaas aaminsanaa inta ugu yar dadkii SNM ka midka ahaa, mararka qaarna waa bay shiiqday oo cidi ba kama wada hadli jirin. Taasi in ay jirto la yaab ma lahayn oo 1961 ayaa bu soo if baxay dareen goosasho markii koox saraakiil ahi u hollatay in ay jaraan gobolladaas oo midowgii dib uga noqdaan. Xasan-kayd Cabdillaahi Walanwal AHUN ayaa ka mid ahaa hormoodkii inqilaabkaas goosasho ee dhicisoobay.

Dadka qubanaha ah ee SNM isugu yimi badankoodu waxa ay afkaar ahaan rumaysnaayeen in aan waddanka la kala jarin, hase yeeshee waxa loo badnaa oo la aaminsanaa in wax laga beddelo oo dib loogu noqdo qaabkii midnimada labada gobol ee 1960. Hab federaal ah in midowga labada gobol lagu saleeyo fikir ah ayaa maskaxda inta badan ka guuxaysey, walow ay jireen kooxo xitaa aan federaalka ba la dhacsanayn oo lahaa taliska ha la tuuro, caddaaladda na ha la sugo uun.

Intaas iyo afkaaraha arrintaas ee dadka dhex yaalley marka laga yimaaddo ee loo kaco dhanka mabaadidii guud iyo barnaamijkii siyaasadda ee SNM waxa kuu soo baxaya sawir kale oo afkaarahaas macnaynaya.

Qodobka 6-aad ee distoorkii SNM u dhignaa waxa uu qorayey:

“Dhaqdhaqaaqa Waddaniga Soomaaliyeed wuxuu aaminsan yahay in la xoreeyo Soomaaliya oo idil, lana ilaaliyo midnimadeeda”.

Waxa kale oo arrinta hoosta ka sii xarriiqaya in SNM saldhigyo ku lahayd jiidaha xuduudda ku teedsan ee ku foorora gobollada Hiiraan, Gedo, Bay iyo Bakool. Laga bilaabo 1984 waxa guddiyada fulinta iyo golaha dhexe ee SNM ka mid noqday xubno tiro badan oo Reer Koonfureed ah. Waxa hormood u ahaa xubnahaas Cali Maxamed Cosoble “Wardhiigley” oo AHUN ahaa siyaasi caan ahaa oo reer Muqdisho ah, noqdayna guddoomiye ku xigeenkii SNM xilligii guddoomiyennimada uu qabtay Axmed Maxamed Siilaanyo. Cali Hagarrey, Col Gorgor iyo Sheekh Yarow ayaa ka mid ahaa ragga kale ee miisaanka lahaa.

Cabdixakiim Ismaaciil X. Axmed oo ahaa xoghayntii SNM ee 1990-aadkii, haddana Oslo ku nool, ayaa ila wadaagay xogo uu kaydiyey oo arrintan la halmaasha. Waxa ka mid ah xogtaas heshiish laba docood ahaa oo Muqdisho ku dhexmaray 8-dii August 1991 ururradii USC iyo SNM.

19-kii Julay – 8-dii August 1991 ayaa wada hadallo labada dhinac u socdey waxa go’aannadii la gaadhey ee qalinka lagu duugay ka mid ahaa:

- In labada urur u adeegaan sidii loo wada yeelan lahaa midaynta siyaasadda dibedda, barnaamijyo mashaariic horumarineed, manhajyada waxbarasheed, lacagta iyo gaadiidka iyo is gaadhsiinta

- in ay isku furnaadaan isku socodka ganacsiga labada shacbi, lana kobciyo xidhiidhka hiddaha iyo dhaqanka, si loo xoojiyo gacaltooyada iyo walaaltinnimada.

Wada hadalladaasi xallinta dhibaatooyinka ummadda Soomaaliyeed waxa ay u dhaafeen in ay u taallo dadkeeda. Aayo ka talin wixii ku saabsanna dhib baa loogu riixay xilliyo dambe. Dhinaca weftiga SNM waxa go’aannada wada hadalladaas u saxeexay Saleebaan Maxamuud Aadan oo hadda ah guddoomiyaha golaha guurtida Somaliland, markaas na ahaa guddoomiyaha weftigaas. Dhinaca USC waxa heshiiskaas u saxeexay Gen. Maxamed Faarax Caydiid oo AHUN ahaa guddoomiyihii USC.

Garannay haddaba oo SNM mabaadi ahaan ma aaminsanayn in Gobollada Waqooyi ka go’aan Soomaaliya, walow ay jireen afkaaro dad aan badnayni qabeen oo go’itaan u guux ahaa.

Haddana gobolladii waxa ay ku go’een gacmihii SNM! Halkee ayay tolow wax iska qardhaafeen?!

Ururkii Dhaqdhaqaaqa Waddaniga Soomaaliyeed waxa uu u taagnaa xoraynta Soomaaliya idil ahaan iyo ilaalinta midnimadeeda. Magaaladu Burco ayaa haddana SNM kaga dhawaaqday 18-kii May 1991 gooni isu taagga Gobolladii Waqooyi iyo yagleelka Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland.

Arrintan waxa ka dhex hillaacaya isirro is burinaya, isna diidaya oo iska hor imanaya. Waa u taagnaanta ilaalin midnimo iyo fulinta kala qaybineed!  Arrin sahlan taasi runtii ma aha! Hase yeeshee wax aan sabab lahayni iska ma dhacaane, bal aynu sababo dhawr ah oo is biirsaday, kala se horreeyey, is la gorfayno.

Sababta 1-aad

Maskaxda iyo dareenka in badan oo ka mid ah Reer Waqooyigii lixdii garaadka lahaa iyo intii markaas soo kacaamaysey, waxa saamayn xun ku yeeshay natiijadii iyo midhihii ka dhashay is raacii labada gobol 1960. Gocosho quluubta ku daxalaysatay iyo tabashooyin in la damqo mooyaane aan weligood in la daweeyo la isku deyin, ayaa halkaas ka abuurmay oo nolosha oo dhan ku milmay oo raac raacay xilliyo xidhiidhsanaa.

Inqilaabkii dhicisoobay ee kooxdii saraakiisha ee 1961 ayaa dhacdo dareenkaas cabbiraysa ahaa. Diidmadii qayaxnayd ee aftidii distoorka ee isla 1961 ee dadweyanaha Gobollada Waqooyi intooda badani qaaddaceen ayaa dareen muujin kale ahayd. Gabayadii iyo geeraarradii Qaasim, Timocadde iyo Ismaaciil Xalleef hal-abuurka ay ka mid yihiin ay 1960-aadkii tiriyeen ayaa dareen muujin kale oo shacbi ahaa.

Taas oo jirta oo horumar la’aanta iyo dib u dhacyada guudna  Soomaaliya laga wada sinnaa, ayaa haddana waxa Reer Waqooyiga intiisa badani tirsadeen cadaadis siyaasadeed oo gaar ah oo mararka qaarna qorshaysnaa ba sida dadka qaar qabaan.

Saami iyo awood qaybsiga guud ee xilalka waa weyn ama muhiimka ah ee qaranka ayaa isir kale ahaa oo mar walba isu dheelli-tirku ka maqnaa sida in badani ku qanacsan yihiin. Dhacdooyinkaas la soo jiitamayey nolosha kufaa-kaceeda waxa ka dhashay SNM.

Markii ay SNM abuurantay na waxa la jaanqaaday cadaadis siyaasadeed oo hor leh iyo gumaadyo dadweyne oo aan loo aabboyeelin, in kasta oo maamulkii kelitaliska ahaa cid kasta oo ka hor timaadda cagta marinayey sidii ka dhacday gobollada Bari, Nugaal iyo Waqooyiga Mudug sannadihii 1978 – 1982 markii Inqilaabkii Cirro hoggaaminayey dhicisoobay, SSDF na la yagleelay.

Sababta 2-aad

Burburkii weynaa ee 1988 iyo gumaadyadii taxnaa ee qorshaysnaa ee dadka Isaaqa lagu bartilmaansanayey iyo “Xabaalo Wadareedyada” ka hadhay nin kastaa ba ha iska hadlee waa sabab kale oo dareenka dad badan saamayn taban ku yeelatay.  March 1988 waxa uu Maxamed Siyaad heshiis kula galay Jabuuti dhiggiisii Itoobiya ee Mingiste oo SNM saldhigyo ka siiyey dalkiisa. May 1988 SNM dabadeed iyada oo maqiiqan ayay madaxa isugu tuurtay obocda gobollada waqooyi. Waxa dhacay wixii dhacay!

Diyaaradihii xoogga dalka Soomaaliyeed ayaa ka haaday garoonka diyaaradaha ee Hargeysa oo duqeeyey isla magaalada Hargeysa oo xukuumaddii Barre gacanteeda ku jirta! Xamar na “Xeebtii Geerida” iyo falal kale ayaa ka socday!

Sababta 3-aad

Waxaas oo u dhacay hore iyo gadaal ba, ayaa la tuuray taliskii Jaalle Maxamed Siyaad bilowgii 1991. Ururkii Dhaqdhaqaaqa Waddaniga Soomaaliyeed waxa uu gacanta ku dhigay gobollada waqooyi. Koonfurna waxa ka sii socday dagaallo, in kasta oo USC gacanta ku qabatay meelo badan oo Muqdisho ka mid ahayd.

Intii Siyaad Barre ba joogey, markii la garwaaqsaday in aan wakhti u sii laabnayn oo taliskiisii dumayo, jabhadihiina waddanka qabsan doonaan, ayaa waxa Muqdisho laga abuuray Manifesto Group looga gol lahaa in ay diyaariyaan ciddii xukunka Maxamed Siyaad ka dhaxli lahayd. Ragga kooxdaas ka dhex muuqda waxa ka mid ahaa: General Maxamed Abshir Muuse, Ismaaciil Jimcaale Cosoble, Aadan Cabdulle Cismaan, Xaaji Muuse Boqor iyo Sheekh Mukhtaar Maxamed Xuseen.

Ayaan-darro, kooxdaasi waxa ay sameeyeen khalad weyn oo taariikhi ah, waxa aanay ku khammaareen taladii iyo masiirkii Soomaaliya dal iyo dad ahaan ba. Waxa ay sameeyeen Jan. 1991 dawlad aan laga la tashan, wax na laga waydiin Ururkii Dhaqdhaqaaqa Waddaniga Soomaaliyeed ee xoreeyey, gacanta na ay ugu jireen gobollada waqooyi!  Gen. Caydiid oo Manifesto kaga hor yimi mawqifkoodu na dibedda ayaa loo tuuray oo waxa la dhisay Cali Mahdi Maxamed iyo xukuumaddiisii. Muqdisho na waxa ay u qaybsan tahay laba xaafadood oo aan dabka kala qaadan.

Hargeysa iyo Burco waxa BBC-da laga dhegaystay in Soomaaliya oo ay iyagu na jiraan loo dhisay dawlad cusub! La isku yaac oo la la yaab, waxna la iska waydii. La ye “jinnaa wadaad ah”! Ladh iyo dacar is walwaalanaya ayaa maanka iyo maskaxda dad badan ku soo kacay oo arrintaasi ku abuurtay. Fursad weyn waxa helay dadka qaar, gaar ahaan siyaasiintii gooni isu taagga maskaxda ku haysay ee u haqanl taagi jirtey.

Tan Muqdisho ka dhacday maalintaas ee raadkeedu qoyan yahay ee Manifesto, tii is raaca ee 1960 iyo natiijooyinkii ka dhashay oo burburka iyo maydka yaallaa dadka u muuqdaan iyo tii Cabdullaahi Yuusufkii SSDF ee Itoobiya iyo Libya u kaashaday in uu kooxdii SNM sidatey ee cusbayd afka u dhigto oo sandulle hoggaankiisa u hoos keeno 1982, ayaa sida “sandwich-ta” rag rag ahi inta ay isu saareen, waxa ay ka iibiyeen shacbigii gobollada waqooyi ee umalka iyo cadhada weyni haysay intii ugu badnayd, waa na laga iibsaday.

Waxa la maquuniyey dhigaalladii distoorka SNM iyo intii aqoonsanayd ba, gaar ahaan qodobka 6-aad: “Ururka Dhaqdhaqaaqa Waddaniga Soomaaliyeed wuxu aaminsan yahay in la xoreeyo Soomaaliya oo idil, lana ilaaliyo midnimadeeda”.

Intii hunguri kaga jirey in wax la hojiyo oo dhinacyo kale wax laga eego na qori caaraddii ayaa dhafoorka iyo dhegta lagaga qabtay oo lagu yidhi “gooya gooya, ku dhawaaqa oo hadda gobollada waqooyi  gooyo, Somaliland na ku dhawaaqa”!

18-kii May 1991, ayaa si ninkii goobjoogga ka ahaa uu inoo sawiri karo uun, waxa Burco lagaga dhawaaqay gooni isu taagga Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland.

Gooni isu taaggaas Somaliland oo hadda dhowaan 24 jirsanaya ma lagu tanaaday oo ma lagaga nastay oo raystay wixii lur iyo dhibaato ahaa ee jirey?

Hoggaankii Ururka Dhaqdhaqaaqa Waddaniga Soomaaliyeed oo uu markaas guddoomiye u ahaa Alle ha u naxariisto ‘e Cabdiraxmaan Axmed Cali (Tuur) waxa uu sameeyey xukuumad Jamhuuriyadda cusub taladeeda mayalka u qabata. Cabdiraxmaan laftiisa ayaa madaxweyne loo doortay, Xasan Ciise Jaamacna ku xigeenkiisa.

SNM waxa dhexdeeda ka dhaqan galay wax Soomaalida inteeda badan ka maqnaa: waa talo wadaagnimo iyo u golaynta wixii khilaafaad yimaadda iyo gorfaynta xallintooda. SNM oo jabhad ah ayaa shan goor hoggaankeedu doorasho isu beddeley muddo 10 sannadood ka yar gudahood ah.

Sidaas daraaddeed, ayaa sidii distoorka SNM dhigay, waxa xukuumaddii Cabdiraxmaan Axmed Cali ay xukunkii iyo taladii ku wareejisay shacabka 1993. Shirkii weynaa ee Boorame ayaa dhacay oo lagu soo dhisay xukuumaddii lagu doortay ee Alle ha u naxariisto’e Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigaal iyo ku xigeenkiisa Cabdiraxmaan Aw Cali Faarax (1993), markii labaadna (1997) Daahir Riyaale Kaahin oo markii dambena noqday madaxweyne.

Cigaal waxa uu yagleelay oo dhidibbada u taagey hay’ado iyo haykal qarannimo oo curdin ah. Halkaas ayay Somaliland ka sii guxuushisay nin wax ku daray iyo nin wax dhimay ba iyada oo muddo shan toddobaad iyo dharaaro ah ka dib 24 jirsanaysa.

Waa laga macaashay gooni isu taaggaas oo lagu ma khasaarin. Hase yeeshee lagu ma guulaysan in seeska loo dhigo oo la dhiso qarannimo sida muraayadda la isaga wada dhex arki karo oo ku dhaqanta nidaam ku salaysan caddaalad iyo garsoor sharci hago.

Lurkii iyo dhibaatooyinkii shalayto wadajirkii Soomaaliya loo sadqeeyey in badan oo ka mid ah ayaa weli Somaliland ka jira oo xoog ku leh. Tusaale fudud: waxa shalayto in badan oo Reer Waqooyi ahi Reer Koonfureedka ku haaraamayeen in ay ka sedbursadeen saami iyo awood qaybsigii xilalka iyo jagooyinka muhiimka ah ee qaranka iyo taladiisa.

Dulmigu waa dulmi, caddaalad darro na waa caddaalad darro oo haddii nin kaa fogi kugu falo ama nin kuu dhowi kugu la kaco waa isku mid uun oo waxba uma dhexeeyaan.

Ka warran maanta Somaliland haddii taas oo kale ka jirto marka reer qudhihi “Isaaq” isku koobay oo isa siiyey madaxweynihii, labadii guddoomiye ee golayaasha wakiillada iyo guurtida, maxkamadda sare, taliyaha ciidamada, guddoomiyaha Bangiga, wasiirradii wasaaradaha naqwada ah sida arrimaha gudaha, dibedda iyo maaliyadda iwm.

Intaas marka laga tago ee la qiimeeyo 24 sannadood, lagu na dhereriyo halka aynu maanta taagan nahay waxa kuu soo baxaya sawir foolxun.

Maamul xumida sii gaammuraysa ee xukuumadda hadda talada haysa ee musuqeeda hantida ummadda iyo daalaadhacyeeda carradaas iyo camaarkaas ka batay, waxa baal yaalla oo soo raacaya  oo naxdin kale leh mucaarad xumida ina haleeshay ee indhobeelka ah. Qabyaaladda jaraha iyo xadhkaha goosatay ee carruurta, dhallinyada iyo haweenku suuqyada kaga hadaaqayaan ee odayga iyo siyaasigu sida xajiinta iyo naxliga leh horseedka ugu yihiin ee carrabka ku ballaadhinayaan, ayaa u muuqata aafo shaki gelinaysa jiritaanka qaran iyo ummadnimo.

Qabyaaladda iyo doco docaynteedu waxa ay Somaliland gaadheen heerkii ugu sarreeyey abid. Haddii naxliga iyo kala shakiga shacbiga la xoojiyo, dib u dhaca iyo maamul xumiduna sii socdaan, waxa laga aamin bixi karaa qarannimada oo dabkeedu qaboobayaa, waxa na lumaysa kalsoonidii lagu qabi lahaa ummadnimada oo reernimo ayaa beddelaysa. Haddii reero loo kala dhaqaaqo na waa “karis xun iyadaa wax ku la’!”

Dorraato (1960) markii la is raacayey ee Soomaali loo tegayey loo ma garraadayn oo caaddifad ayaa wax kale oo kastaba ka qaalib ahayd.

Shalayto na (1991) markii gooni isu taagga la go’aaminayey loo ma guulin, loo ma na garraadayn ee cadho gadhoodhay ayaa wax kale oo kastaba ka qaalib ahayd.

Maanta na cabsida jirtaa waa in mar kale si kale loo la fool hallaabi karo talada ummadeed marka caddaalad darrada iyo qaraabokiilka, musuqa iyo boobka hantida qaran, sharci darrada iyo qabyaaladdu is biirsadaan oo wax kale oo kastaba ka qaalib noqdaan.

Cadho iyo caaddifad wax u dhexeeya baa jira oo waa adeegsiga caqliga toosan iyo in si maangal wax kasta oo yimaadda loo miisaamo qiimayn ahaan. Si aan loo tacab khasaarin waa in caddaaladda la dhawraa. Sharciga iyo xeerka waraaqaha laga dul kiciyaa oo laga ciidanshaa, qarannimada ilmaynaysa na xaq lagu aamusiiyaa oo qabyaaladda la daadegaysa laga dhiciyaa!

Gooni isu taaggii Somaliland lagu ma khasaarin, lagu ma se guulaysan in boogtii la dhayo oo la daweeyo. Qabyo waa halkeedii.

Qalinkii Maxamed Baashe X. Xasan

Facebook.com/baadisooc

ALSHABAABNIMADU ma ahan oo kali ah QARXINTA, QIXINTA, QAARIJINTA, MIINADA, DILKA, NAFTIHALLIGNIMADA, GAAJEYTA IWM, ee waa haaneedinta iyo hirgalinta aragtida SHABAABNIMADA, ee ay salka iyo unugga u tahay ITIXAADNIMADU, dibna ka noqotay ICTISAAMNIMO.

Sida Shabaab loo dhibsado, loogu arko dhimaal, kuwan sare looguma maleeyo, haddana, iyagaa SHABAAB dhalay, ababiyey, koriyey, kana dhigay dhaqan loogu dhawaado Eebbe, oo JANNADA lagu muto.

Isweydii, bulsho ahaan; imisa ayaa shabaab naga ah? Ha ku fiirin aragtida, inta gafuurku u duuban yahay, ee aan laba arag ama duurgalka ah, ee ku fiiri inta bulshada ka dhexmuuqata, haddana, aragtidooda aysan waxba dhaamin ta shabaab, inay shalay ka tirsanaayeen, wax ka dhiseen waxna ka ukneen ama iyaguba gardaadshay oo garabgaalay.

Inta kuwaa darajo, dallacsiin iyo ay helayaan duubid, ha ka yaabin in SHABAABNIMADU dhimato, le’ato ama dabargo’do, maxaa yeelay, haddaan Maska madaxa laga dilin ma dhinto, sidaa oo kale, haddaan kuwii shabaab dhalay, wax ka dhisay ama ku dhaqmay indhaha bulshada laga qarin, nabee inaan lagu/laga guulaysan. Ugama jeedo in la dilo ama la gumaado, ee waxaan uga jeedaa in aan bulshada loogu soo bandhigin BADBAADIYEYAAL, BARBAARIYEYAAL ama BAARRIYAAL oo kale.

U fiirso, shabaab qofkii laga soo qabto ama isa soo dhiiba, haddii uu yahay sagaal sare waa la soo dhaweeyaa, darajana la siiyaa, ama lagu maamuusaa guri iyo deegaan uusan qarashkeeda bixin, haddiise uu yahay askari ama ciidan, waxaa la geeyaa tiirka, oo toogasho bah dilaad ah lagu oogaa! Bulsho dilaaga weyn qiimeysa, kan yarna qaarijisa, anaga unbaa ka jirna.

Tusaalooyinku waa badan yihiin, ee kan u dambeeyey, oo qormadu ku socoto aan kuu tusmeeyo. Zakariye Ismaaciil Xersi, wuxuu ahaa madaxa Sirdoonka Alshabaab laba bil ka hor, in kasta oo uu inkiray. Micnaha madaxa qaarijinta, dilalka qorshaysan iyo gaadmada ah, ee Shabaab fulin jireen xilligaa ka hor. Zakariye, asagoo baxsad ah, oo ka cararaya isla Shabaab, -Labadii LAQDABO ku heshiisa, LILLAAHI ayey ku diriraan!- ayuu isu dhiibay maamulka Gedo, oo reerkoodu deggan yihiin. Iska dhiibidda uu Gedo iska dhiibay waxaa lagu macneeyey laba arrin oo kala ah:

- Maadaama uu ahaa xubin culus iyo madax sare, soo qabashadiisana magac iyo maamuus lagu mudan karo, ayuu jeclaystay in tolkiisa uusan dhaafin, si wixii nacfi iyo naruura ah iyagu ku helaan. “Tolkaaga iyo kabtaadaba dhexdaa looga jiraa!”

- In haddii uu meel iska dhiibo ama lagu qabto, uu mudan karo dil degdeg ah, taas oo uu uga badbaadi karay oo kali ah, inuu tolkiisa dhexjoogo xilliga is dhiibidda, oo ka badbaadin karta in la maago.

Isdhiibiddiisa ka dib, waxaa ii xigtay asoo shaar buluug qafiif ah gashan, inaan si kadis ah uga daawaday TVga dawladda, oo run ahaantii igu eheed filan iyo qaadan waa! Ma ninkii maalmo ka hor dadka wax ku oolka ah, ee leh; siyaasi, aqoonyahan, oday dhaqameed, dhaqaatiir, wariye, IQK dilkooda maleegi jiray ama wax ka goynjiray, waxna ka ogaa qarax walba oo ay Shabaab fuliso, ayaa isla TVga qaranka laga sii deynayaa, waliba isagoo sharfan? Yaab.

Taas anoo la yaabban ayaa waxaa ii xigtay waraysi uu siiyey Idaacadda Codka Amerika, oo runtii aan la dhihi karin waraysi, ee lagu tilmaami karo gabar la sheekaysanaysay wiil ay isku xaafad ahaayeen, balse, aysan fool ka fool isu aqoon oo kale. Malaha, maadaama uu Idaacadda Maraykanka ku hormarshay waraysiga, waxay ka dhigan tahay, in si uun xiriir ugala dhexeeyey, ama ugu yaraan ay isku dan ahaayeen, haddii kale, muxuusan Idaacadda dawladda, oo uu martida u yahay u siin ama idaacadaha gudaha?.

Weydiimaha iskood u imaanayaa waxaa ka mida; sidee loogu oggolaaday inuu waraysi bixiyo? Sidee loogu oggolaaday in waraysi laga qaado? Yaa u fasaxay? Sidee looga qaaday, mise la koontoroolay waxa uu sheegayey ama sheegayba?.

Waxaa cad, sida ay qabaan dad badan oo aqoon u leh fekradaha iyo saamayntoodu, in aysan sahlanayn in Shabaabnimada haba laga bexee, raadkeedku si fudud ku go’i karin, sida aragtiyada kale, iyadu maba ku sii jirto, oo waaba diimaysan tahay, Janno, Ajar iyo Aakhiro ayaaba lagu doonaa!

Zakariye, waraysiga wuxuu ku sii indha adkaa aragtidii SHABAABNIMADA, ee uu dad iyo duunyo ku halaagay. Maxaa yeelay, Zakariye Shabaab hore ayuu ahaa, madaama uu ka yimid xeryihii Gedo ay ITIXAADKU ku lahaayeen, kuna soo hanaqaaday deegaankaa.

Sida aan wada ognahay, gobolka Gedo, sanadihii 96-97dii, waxaa ka hana qaaday dhaqdhaaq diimeed xooggan, oo dadkii deegaanka cunaha ka qabtay, heer markii dambe Xabasho la magansaday, oo waa meesha uu naga soo raacay Gen. Gabre, oo wuxuu hoggaaminayey ciidankii ITIXAAD kula dagaalay Gedo, heer maanta uu siyaasadda iyo maamullada Soomaalida ku milmay.

Sidoo kale, Maxamad Idiriska Maraykanka dacwadda sharci kala noqoshadu uga socoto ee leh: “Somalia shame on you!” wuxuu ku jiray madaxda ITIXAAD, oo ay ku go’een dhallin badan, haddaba, inta uusan Soomaali afka ku taagin, isagu ha is ceebsado!

Markii ITIXAAD gobolka Gedo ku soo kala carareen ka dib, saa waligoodba Xabashi uma babac dhigaane, oo Soomaalida kaliya ayey Libaax iyo Atoor u yihiin, Zakariye wuxuu u soo wareegay magaalada Muqdisho, oo 2000 uga baxay Iskoolka sare ee Marwazi, oo ay gacanta ku hayaan wadaaddo la baxay SALAFIYIHIIN, oo ITIXAADKA aragtida rabshadda iyo dagaalka xukun doonka ah uga duwan, balse, inta kale kala mid ah.

Zakariye Shabab wuxuu si rasmi ah ugu biiray 2003dii, balse, waraysiga wuxuu ku sheegay inuu ku biiray 2006dii. Halkaa waa meesha aan ku lahaa waraysi ma ahayn, ee sheeko ayuu ahaa. Lama hubo inuu markaa tabbar ciidan qaatay, balse, dad badan waxay qabaan inuu xitaa maray layliskaa.

Ka dib Zakariye, wuxuu waxbarasho u aaday dalka Pakistan, oo uu Jaamacad ka dhiganayey, uuna xiriir fiican kula yeeshay Alqaacidda. Markii uu dhammaystay waxbarashada, wuxuu u soo laabtay Soomaaliya, oo halkii uu shaqadiisa ka sii watay.

Markii ciidanka Xabashidu dalka qabsadeen, ee wadaaddadu ku jireen firxadka, ayuu Zakariye damcay inuu ku laabto Pakistan, balse, wuxuu ka war helay in lagu dabajoogo, oo ay raadinayaan Sirdoonka Pakistan, sidaana ugu qasbanaaday inuu dalka jooga, ooba xil sare iyo qabtay jago culus (MADAXA SIRDOONKA ALSHABAAB) Alla wuxuu dil iyo qarax badan wax ka ogaa! MAGAN.

Qaraxii Hotel Shaamow 03/12/2009kii, ee ay ku qurbexeen aqoonyahanno iyo siyaasiyiin u badan isla wadaaddadii MAXKAMADAHA, ayaa waxaa la isla dhexmarayey in Col. Cabdisamad oo abti u ah Zakariye, gabar uu dhalay aysan ka soo qaybgalin xafladdaa, maadaama uu Zakariye ku wargliyey inaysan halkaa tagin maalintaa. Horaa loo yiri; “Fiqi tolkii kama Janno tago!”.

Isla sanadkii 2009kii, mar la isku dayey in wada hadal lala furo Shabaab, wafdigii ka socday Culimada Muslinka (gaar ahaan Ikhwaanka Qadar), waxa la sheegay in wafdiga Shabaab wada hadalka uu u matalyey isla Zakariye, dadkiina uu u kala saaray dhawr qaybood, oo ay ugu muhimsandeed:

- In wafdiii baarlamanka Kuweyt ka socday lagu yiri idinka siyaasiyiin baad tihiin ee dhan u baxa.

- Halka Umal iyo raggii kale ee la socday (Soomaalidii) lagu yiri; idinka waxaa la idin siinayaa siminaar ku saabsan diinta Islaamka, maadaama ay ka yimaadeen dhulgaalo (Kenya).

Haddaba, ninka sidaa ahaa, walina ah, sidee inta uu isu soo dhiibay, loogu oggolaaday inuu siduu doono u hadlo? Saw ma ahayn in indhaha dadka laga qariyo, maadaama uu CABSI, DHIIG iyo ka samaysan yahay GEERI? Xasuuso, inta qof, ee Shabaab dileen, ma is leedahay Zakariye wax kama ogayn? Hadduu ka ogaa, haddaba, miyuusan DHIMASHO ka samaysnayn? Nabadda uu maanta baahinayo, muxuusan u qaadan maalintaa ay ka dhaweed? GABLAN!

Halka uu noo sharrayo xiriirka Alqaacidda iyo Shabaab, saw kama muhim sanayn inuu nooga sheekeeyo, dadka ay dileen, waxa ay ku dileen, qaabka ay u diljireen, sida ay u xulan jireen iwm? Isagu meeqa ayuu wax ka ogaa ama amarkeeda baxshay? Anaga hadda yuusan isaga keen dhigin MALAGE, shalay wuxuu ahaa, ha nooga sheekeeyo fadlan.

Waxaa la yaab leh Zakariye marka uu yiri, shisheeyaha ka garabdagaallama shabaab ee dalka jooga, kama badnaan karaan laba boqol! Yuu riwaayaddaa u dhigayaa? Midda kale ku lahaa; “waa filaa” inuu yareey ka sokow, wuxuuba malo sii galiyey tiro ahaanba, oo gabadha waraysiga ka qaadday, aysanba ku baraarugin. Mise waa ku baraarugtee, waxaa lagu yiri weydii weydiimo xaddidan?.

Waxaan la yaabaa, waxaan aqrinayey in dib xabsiga loogu taxaabay wariyeyaal ka tirsan Idaacadda Shabeelle, albaabbadana la isugu dhuftay, oo lagu haysto inay sii daayeen codka Cali Dheere, afhayeenka Alshabaab, weerarkii Jaamacadda Gaarisa ka dib. Ogoow, Cali hadduu hadda isa soo dhiibo ama la qabto, wiilashan oo wali xiran, waxaa loola dhaqmayaa, sida hoggaamiye ama boqor oo kale!

Is qabadsii, Sirdoonkii Shabaab Zakariye, ayaan waraysi u oggolaanayaa, anoo wali gacanta ku haya, wariye shaqadiisa gudanayana -haba ku jiro gaabise-, waan xiriyaa, idaacaddana waan xirayaa. Ani run ahaan Cali Dheere, Zakariye ayaa igala daran, oo aad baalka ku haysataan, ee fadlan bulshada Soomaaliyeed la wadaaga wixii xumaa, ee uu Zakariye samayn jiray.

Cali Dheere, waa cod baahiye ama cajal, hadba wixii loo sheego ama lagu duubo ayuu tebshaa, oo shaqo afhayeen oo dhan ayaa sidaa ah, balse, ninka go’aan ka gaari jiray dilka dadka, kaas ayaa mudan inaan codkiisa la maqal, araggiisana aan la arag, oo bulshada laga qariyo!

Bashiir M. Xersi

brdiraac@hotmail.com

www.bilediraac.wordpress.com

Jaamacadda Qabridahar ee dhawaan sida wadajirka ah ay u dhagaxdhigeen R/xigeenka dawladda Fedraalka Ethoipia mudane Damaqe Mokonin iyo M/waynaha DDSI Cabdi Maxamud Cumar ayaa waxa ay soo jiidatay indhaha iyo qalbiga qof kasta oo jecel aqoonta, horumarka iyo in Qabridahar oo kale maanta loo dhagax dhigo Jaamac ay wax ka baran doonaan kummannaan jiilalka soo koraya ahi.

Geedi socodka maamulka suubban oo ujeedkiisu tahay hiigsiga horumarka himilada shacabka Dawladda Deegaanka Soomaalida Ethoipa, ayaa hormood ka ah qabsoomidda Jaamacadaha degaanka ee ku sii fidaya gobollada fog fog iyo degmooyinka baahida weyn u qaba waxbarashada sare.

1991kii intii ka horreysey waxa deegaankan Somalida Ethopia, ee loo yaqaannay Ogadan soo maray taariikh madaw oo silic iyo sariir badan, dagaallo iyo rafaad badan oo ay dad badani ku halaagmeen. Waxana xasuus lagu cashar qaato mudan wakhtigii keligii taliyihii xukunkii Dhergiga iyo dhibtii uu baday ama ku hayay qowmiyadda Somalida Ethopia iyo guud ahaanba qowmiyadaha kale ee Ethoipia, xukuumaddaasi hore ee dhargiga iyo xukunnadii ka horreeyeyba waxa ay Shucuubta wadankaasi kala dagaalameen dhinacyada horumarka iyo adeegyada aasaasiga ah.
Sooyaalkaasi ay qowmiyadaha Ethopia muddada dheer ku hoos jireen ayaa waxa mar kaliya meesha ka baxay sannadkii 1991. Xilligaasi oo ay guulaysteen xaq u dirirkii ay hoggaaminayeen Jabhaddii hubaysnayd EPRDF, taasi oo keentay ama horseed u noqotay in Ethoipia waacusubi u baryo. Qowmiyadihii dalkaasi ee cadaadiska lagu hayayna ay xoroobeen.

Isbeddelkaasi wuxuu dhaliyay in Ethoipia qaadato hannaan fedraal oo ku dhisan isir qowmiyadeed, guushii laga gaadhayna waa tani keentay in qowmiyadda Soomaalida Ethoipa iyo qowmiyahaha kalebaba noqdaan dawlado deegaan is maamul leh, maamul hoosaad dawladnimo leh. Una madax bannaan hawsha maamul ee degaankooda.
Haddaba, tan iyo wakhtigii DDSI jirtay waxa ay soo martay marxalado maamul oo kala duwan. Mudda badanna waxa ay la soo kacaa kufaysey maamul xumadii laga dhaxalay maamulkii diktaytarka ahaa ee Mingiste.
Laakiin markii DDSI loo doortay mudane Cabdi Maxamuud Cumar ayaa markii u horaysay waxa uu ku guulaystay dejinta iyo xasilinta nabadgelyada deegaanka, dardargelinta iyo hirgelinta mashaariic wax lagaga qabanayo baahiyaha aasaasiga, sida biyaha, caafimaadka, waxbarashada iyo maamul toosinta. Iyo sidii gobollada DDSI loo gaadhsiin lahaa maamul mideeya oo isku xidhan.

Waxqabadka uu ku talaabsaday M/wayne Cabdi Maxamud Isaga oo talo iyo taageero ka helaya dawladda fedraalka Ethoipia waxa uu suurata geliyay horumar aan la qaban intii xukunkiisa ka horaysay, waxa uu hirgeliyey dhismaha kaabayaasha aasaasiga ah ee bulshada ku nool DDSI.
M/wayne Cabdi Maxamud Cumar wuxuu ka dhabeeyay hadafkii siyaasadeed ee balanqaadyadii XDSHSI, isla markaana wuxuu hirgeliyay qorshayaashii xisbiga ee la xidhiidhay nabadgelyada, horumarka iyo la dagaalanka jahliga iyo gaajada oo ah labada cadaw ee ugu daran bulshada.
Isku soo wada duuboo, dhagaxdhiga Jaamacada Qabridahar ayaa la odhan karaa waa guulaha uu soo hooyay hogaanka DDSI iyo XDSHSI, Qabridahar waa Magaalo ku taal badhtamaha deegaanka Soomaalida Ethoipia, waa caasimadda gobolka qorraxay, waxana hore looga sameeyay kuliyadda kalkaaliyaasha caafimaadka. Jaamacadda hadda la dhagaxdhigayna waxa loogu talo galay inay wax ka bartaan Arday gaadhaysa toban kun oo Arday. Jaamacada Qabridahar waa jaamacadii labaad ee laga hirgeliyo DDSI, Jaamacadda ka horaysey ayaa ahayd Jaamacadda Jigjiga ee caasimadda deegaanka ku taalla.

Magaalada Qabridahar waxay leedahay madaar diyaaradaha ah oo daboolay baahiyo badan.
Waxaqabadka muuqda ee XDSHSI iyo hogaanka DDSI ay ka sameeyeen deegaanka Soomaalida Ethoipia ayaa ah mid kalsooni buuxda ay kaga helayaan xisbi ahaan shacabka ku nool DDSI inay dib u doortaan, doorashada dhawaan ka dhici doonta deegaanka Soomaalida Ethoipia iyo guud ahaan dalka Ethoipia oo dhan..

Hashim sh Cumar Good

Ahmedweli Goth

England

Waxan soo akhrisannay qaybtii hore ee sheeka xariirtan aan ula baxay WAXAN U SOO JOOGAY. Si koob kooban amma kor xaadin ahna waxan u soo qaadannay hummaagyo ku suntan noloshii dadku ku dhex noolaayeen wakhtiyadaa hore, oo ka hadlaysa sidii wakhtiyo ka hor loo noolaa. Taasi oo aan ula jeedo in bal dib loo milicsado sooyaalkaasi, da’yartuna ay bar bar dhigaan hab nololeedka maanta ay la nool yihiin.

Haddaba innaga oo halkii ka sii anba qaadayna sheekadii Waxan U Soo Joogay….. Waxa ay innoo joogtay iyada oo lagu jiro bishii Ramadaan oo makhaayadihii ay cammiran yihiin, durmaanka iyo nashaadka ka baxayana aanad malayn karin, ragguna ay dhinaca makhaayadaha dhexdooda garba siman isku bar bar fadhiyaan, sheekada iyo mirqaankuna uu xadhka goostay. Balse ay dumarku dhaxanta dibadda ka dhacaysa tuban yihiin, oo ay isa soo yugayaan albaabbada dhinacooda, si ay qayb uga noqdaan nashaadkaa iyo mirqaankaa ay raggu ku wadh wadheen.  Halkaana ay fadhiyi jireen illaa iyo inta ay ka gaadhayso xilliga ay ragga u diyaarinayaan suxuurta!

Dhaqanka wakhtigaa jiray muu ahayn mid xaddaaradda maanta lagu qiyaasi karo, oo aad baa loo danbeeyey.  Dumarkuna waxa ay qabeen dhib aanay cidina u ogeyn. Dhibtuna waxa ay u bilaabmi jirtay marka ay inantu shan amma lix gaadho, oo loo diri jiray hawsha reerka. Da’daa oo ay ku baran jireen cunto karin iyo nadaafadda guriga iyo weel dhiqista. Hooyada gabadh dhashaana waxa ay ahayd mid heshay qof shaqaala ah oo hawsha ka nasiya. Badankooduna si aan naxariis lahayna ayey ula dhaqmi jireen.

Gabdhaha waalidkood uma jeclayn sida ay wiilasha u jecel yihiin amma loo kool koolliyo, waxana ay hooyadu ama cidda ay la joogaan ula dhaqmi jireen si bilaa naxariis ah. Tusaale ahaan waxa caado u ahayd in ay waa-dhawaadka ( marka diigga ugu horreeyaa ciyo ) la kiciyo, si ay daaradda u xaadho, weelka u muudsato ( maydho ), dharka oo ay maydhaan, loxooxda ama canjeerada u dubto oo ay quraacda ugu diyaariso ragga. Shaqada ay salaadda subax bilowdo ayey habeenkii dhammayn jirteen. Cuntada ay kariyaan dumarku waxa ay ka cuni jireen inta raggu soo hambeeyo, hadday raggu wada cunaanna gubadka disdiga ku hadhay ayey feen feenan jireen. Dhacdooyinka noocaa aan ka sheekaynaa wax jira ayey ahaayeen.

Wakhtigaa gabdhuhu way ku yaraayeen dugsiyada, ta soo gashaana saaqidad bay ahayd, waayo may haysan wakhti ay casharkii loo soo dhigay dib ugu noqoto. Laakiin way jireen waalid ilbax ah ama caddaaladda yaqaanna oo ka war hayn jiray dumarka wiilasha iyo gabdhuna u sinnaayeen ammaba gabdhaha il gaar ku eegi jiray. Aabbahay Sh. Omer Goth ayaa ka mid ahaa waalidka xurmada badan u hayey dumarka, ee xaqooda ilaalin jiray, oo marka cuntada ay dumarku noo soo dhigaan, inta aannaan cunin ayuu soo hubin jiray in ay haweenku intoodii la hadheen. Aabbaha sidaa oo kale ahaa gabdhaha ay dhalaan way kula dadaali jiray waxbarashada, waanay ka ilaalin jiray in ay addoon u ahaato wiilasha ama hawsha reerka. Laakiin sida loo badnaa waxa ay ahayd si aan la jeclaysan.

Waxan u soo joogay dhulka oo barwaaqa ah, oo beeruhu ay aad u bexeen bisha Radamaanna ku soo beegantay. Wajaale oo dhawr km u jirtay degaanka aan joogay, ayaa ahayd meel aad u camiran oo aan wakhtiyada qaar isaga soo nafiso. Wakhtiyadaa dhallinta iyo odayadunba waxa ay aad u cuni jireen Jaadka ama Qaadka, oo aan loo cuni jirin sida maanta loo cuno.

Wajaalana waxaba ay ahayd immigana tahay marsada Qaadku soo maro, mar haddii ay marsadii Jaadka ama Qaadka tahayna waxa ay ehel u ahayd mirqaanka iyo saaxiibul mirqaanka. Qof kasta oo uu bahalkaasi suququl ku noqdayna, haddii uu yimaaddo Wajaale waa uu ka dhargi jiray. Saa, majlisyada lagu qayilayo, ayaa la keeni jiray jawaanno bilaash ah.

Wakhtigaa dadku is jeclaayaa, xidhiidhka bulshaduna waxa uu ahaa mid caafimaad qaba…..BERI SAMAAD …… Qabyaaladdu sida ay maanta u jirto umay jirin. Majlis kastana waxa ku kulmi jiray asxaab is faham ku walaalo ah, isku mihnad ah amaba isku jiil ah. Siyaasadda caalamiga ah ayaana majlisyada lagu falanqayn jiray, sida dagaallada bariga dhexe iyo waddammada weli ku hoos jira gumaysigii caddaa, sida south Africa. Balse may jirin siyaad la xiiseeyo oo gudaha ka jirtaa. Marka laga tagi waayo, dabayaaqadii lixdankii waxa jiri jiray doorashooyin aan u soo joogay. Oo ku salaysnaa reera hoose, xilligaa ayaa qabyaaladdu aawanayd. Haddana sida maanta oo kale may ahayn umana dhaweyn.

Waxan u soo joogay gaadiidka oo yaraa, is gaadhsiinta oo la isticmaali jiray Warqado la isku diro, Taar iyo mid la odhan jiray Dhii Dhaa. Telefoon wakhtigaa hore ma jirin. Waxanan xasuustaa bilowgii toddobaatanaadkii oo aan galay dugsiga dhexe ee Amoud oo hoy la seexdo ahaa. Oo ardayda aan ka midka ahaa aanay dhawr bilood xidhiidh wada lahayn waalidkood. Waayo is gaadhsiin telefoon may jirin, xataa Post school-ku uu leeyahay oo ay ardaydu kula xidhiidhaan waalidkood ama ehelkoodu ma jirin.

Ardaydaa aan ka midka ahaa ee dugisgaa hoyga ah ku jirtay, haddii mid ka mid ah ay wax ku dhacaan waalidkoodu waxa ay maqli jireen goor ay xeedho iyo fandhaal kala dheceen. Taasi marka aan immiga dib u eego waxa ay ahayd mid khatar badan. Waxanan u soo joogay  laba arday oo middi is geliyey amma mid dhaawac ka soo gaadhay kubbad la ciyaarayey oo u dhintay. Fulaynimadii aan dhacdooyinkaa ka qaaday ayaan carruurtayda uga sheekeeyaa si ay uga digtoonaadaan.

Dadku xilligaa waxa ay kala ahaayeen reer Miyi iyo reer Magaal. Isku dhar may ahayn, isku fikir may ahayn. Kaftan iyo dacaayado ayaana u dhaxayn jirtay reer Miyiga iyo reer Magaalka. Dhinaca nolosha way isku xidhnaayeen, oo qolaba waxbay gaar u lahayd. Tusaale ahaan, reer Miyigu waxa ay magaalada keeni jireen Caanaha, Subagga, Xoolaha. Reer Magaalkuna waxa uu ugu baddali jiray lacag ay ku iibsadaan Sonkor iyo dhar. Inkasta oo ay reer Magaalku badi dhici jireen reer Miyiga, oo ay xoolaha ka amaahan jireen beenna u sheegi jireen. Reer Miyiguna beenta may aqoon ee way aammini jireen.

La soco qaybta dambe.

Ahmedweli Goth